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The report details a capacity-building workshop for the ICCN focused on managing natural resource conflicts in Kahuzi-Biega National Park. It identifies three primary conflict categories: park-population tensions, disputes over resource access, and intra/inter-institutional conflicts. Key drivers include the park's expansion without community consensus, the presence of armed groups like the FDLR, and the displacement of Batwa pygmies. The workshop utilized tools such as conflict trees and stakeholder analysis to prioritize strategies, identifying institutional capacity building for the army and ICCN, co-management, and the complete delimitation of the park as top priorities.

The document details a 2009 workshop organized by the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) focusing on the intersection of climate change and transboundary water conflicts in Africa, with a heavy emphasis on the Nile River Basin. It examines how environmental degradation, population growth, and uneven water distribution exacerbate tensions between riparian states. The report highlights the role of regional bodies like the Nile Basin Initiative (NBI), IGAD, and ECOWAS, and argues that while climate change acts as a 'threat multiplier,' it can also serve as an incentive for regional cooperation. Key recommendations include the ratification of the UN Convention on the Law of Non-Navigational Uses of International Watercourses, the establishment of joint management frameworks, and the integration of climate adaptation into national planning and donor programs.

The research finds that civil conflicts last longer when they are located far from the government stronghold, near international borders, or in regions with valuable minerals like gemstones and petroleum. Conversely, higher rebel military capacity is associated with shorter conflict durations. The study concludes that geography significantly shapes the balance of power and the ability of belligerents to sustain warfare.

The report details a dialogue on the vulnerabilities of African economies to climate change and the potential for trade policy to enhance resilience. It emphasizes the need for predictable financial mechanisms, the diffusion of low-carbon technologies, and the reform of the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) to better serve African interests. The document highlights the potential of organic agriculture and renewable energy to create jobs and reduce poverty, while warning against arbitrary trade restrictions and poorly evidenced environmental labels that could undermine the competitiveness of African exports.

The proceedings detail a two-day workshop in Sweden where experts from various global 'knowledge nodes' discussed the barriers and drivers for implementing nutrient reuse in sanitation. Key findings highlight a persistent gap between national legislation and local enforcement, the necessity of 'champions' to drive policy change, and the importance of technology-neutral policies that prioritize actual reuse over the mere possibility of recycling. Case studies from Sweden, the Philippines, Uganda, Colombia, South Africa, and China illustrate diverse regional challenges, including urban transport costs for nutrients and the social stigma associated with excreta reuse.

The document defines the right to information as a cornerstone of democracy and a fundamental human right, detailing its legal origins in UN declarations and the nine principles for effective legislation. It analyzes the gap between the existence of laws and their practical application, noting that while such laws increase response rates to information requests, challenges like discrimination and bureaucratic resistance persist. The guide emphasizes the critical roles of civil society and the media in advocating for transparency and holding governments accountable.

The report advocates for Multilateral Development Banks (MDBs) to move beyond focusing on single ecosystem services toward a systematic approach that considers multiple services in all development operations. It highlights how overlooking regulating services—such as storm protection and water purification—can lead to adverse trade-offs and undermine poverty reduction. The document provides a portfolio of tools for identifying, prioritizing, and valuing ecosystem services, and suggests policy options including payments for ecosystem services, regulation, and community empowerment to sustain natural capital.

The document highlights how two decades of conflict in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo have created a humanitarian crisis and severely threatened Virunga National Park. It argues that the illegal trade in park resources, specifically charcoal, funds violence and leads to deforestation, while the displacement of populations increases pressure on the ecosystem. The author contends that environmental governance must be integrated into any peace agreements to prevent natural resources from continuing to finance conflict and to support future economic recovery.

The document examines Africa's engagement with the CWC and BTWC, noting that while CWC participation is high due to the support of the OPCW, BTWC engagement is low due to a lack of an oversight body and a perception that biological weapons are not a primary threat. It highlights significant gaps in national legislation and the vulnerability of African public health systems to deliberate disease outbreaks.

The report analyzes the systemic nature of corruption in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) from 2003 to 2006, arguing that the 'kleptocratic' legacy of the Mobutu era persisted through the transition. It details how power-sharing agreements under the Sun City Accord prioritized political clientelism over merit, leading to widespread pillaging of public finances, state-owned enterprises, and the mining and forestry sectors. Despite the introduction of new anti-corruption laws and the creation of monitoring bodies like the CELC and OCEP, the report finds these efforts largely failed due to a lack of political will, institutional dysfunction, and the complicity of international partners who prioritized electoral stability over good governance.

The document examines the hydropolitics of the Nile Basin, focusing on the tensions between upstream states, particularly Ethiopia, and downstream states, Egypt and Sudan. It argues that colonial-era agreements and Egypt's pursuit of 'prior appropriation' rights have created an inequitable distribution of water, hindering development in upper riparian states. The author suggests that cooperation through frameworks like the Nile Basin Initiative and the adoption of the Helsinki Rules for equitable sharing are necessary to avoid future conflict and ensure food and energy security.

The document examines the methodological requirements for conducting representative public opinion surveys to support the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). It argues that while participatory consultations are useful for public ownership, they often produce biased results. Instead, the author advocates for random probability sampling, noting that relatively small samples (e.g., 1,200 respondents) can provide accurate national estimates. The paper outlines essential prerequisites—such as recent census data and freedom of travel—and warns against the common error of polling only heads of households, which biases results toward older, employed males. It also provides a practical timeline and cost estimate for implementing such surveys in Africa.

The document analyzes two legal pathways for prosecuting Robert Mugabe: the principle of universal jurisdiction and the International Criminal Court (ICC). While legal grounds exist for crimes committed after July 2002—such as 'Operation Murambatsvina' and election violence—the author concludes that prosecution is 'extremely unlikely' due to political obstacles. These include Zimbabwe's lack of ratification of the ICC statute and the likelihood that immunity from prosecution will be a key negotiation point to secure Mugabe's removal from power.

The document examines the persistence of a 'predatory political and governance culture' in the DRC, tracing it from the colonial era and Mobutu's dictatorship through the 2003–2006 transition. It finds that power-sharing arrangements under the Sun City Agreement effectively removed checks and balances, enabling widespread looting of state assets, mining resources, and public funds. Despite the introduction of new anti-corruption laws and the creation of bodies like the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission (CELC), these efforts failed due to a lack of political will, institutional dysfunction, and a reliance on donor-driven initiatives without local ownership.

The paper examines the methodological requirements for conducting credible representative public opinion surveys within the framework of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). It contrasts the limitations of 'participatory' consultations—which often suffer from self-selection bias—with the precision of random probability sampling. The author provides technical guidance on sample sizes, the necessity of accurate census data, and the importance of sampling individual citizens rather than household heads. It also outlines the practical costs and timelines for implementing such surveys in Africa, suggesting that national surveys of 1,200 respondents typically cost between $85,000 and $125,000.

The document is a publication catalog from the WRI Institutions and Governance Program, detailing research on the structure and outcomes of natural resource decentralizations. It lists reports, journal articles, and working papers stemming from a 2001 comparative project and subsequent initiatives focused on institutional choice, recognition, and commodity chain analysis. The research covers a wide array of countries across Africa, Asia, and Latin America, examining the intersection of local democracy, property rights, and environmental governance.

The author contends that Africa Day 2008 must move beyond diplomatic celebrations to address systemic governance issues, citing the failure of governments to act on warnings from the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) and the persistence of long-term dictatorships. The text highlights specific regional instabilities, including post-electoral violence in Kenya and xenophobia in South Africa, while questioning the accountability of the APRM administration and the ability of current leadership to protect the continent from poverty, war, and climate change.

The report evaluates how conservation efforts for mountain gorillas in the Virunga-Bwindi region interact with local and regional conflict dynamics. Through three case studies—a community campground upgrade, a land purchase for a buffer zone, and transboundary collaboration—the study identifies how interventions can either exacerbate tensions through unequal benefit-sharing and poor communication or foster peace through participatory management and regional cooperation. It provides a framework for Peace and Conflict Impact Assessments (PCIA) and recommends integrating conflict sensitivity into project planning, implementation, and monitoring to ensure conservation activities 'do no harm' and actively contribute to peacebuilding.

In August 2006, the Ugandan Cabinet proposed donating 7,100 hectares of the 30,000-hectare Mabira forest to the Mehta group of companies to expand sugar plantations. This proposal triggered a massive public outcry and a coordinated 'Save Mabira Crusade' involving civil society, religious institutions, and legal experts. The campaign utilized empirical research, media engagement, and strategic litigation to challenge the government's decision. The author argues that the campaign's success was rooted in a growing public awareness of environmental rights, supported by the 1995 Constitution and the National Environment Act. The effort not only protected the forest but also served as a vehicle to expose broader governance deficits and the lack of political will to adhere to existing conservation laws.

The paper examines the 2006 campaign to save the Mabira Forest in Uganda, where the government proposed giving 7,100 hectares of the reserve to the Mehta Group for sugarcane cultivation. It details how a coalition of civil society, religious institutions, and legal experts used environmental laws and public mobilization to stop the proposal. The author argues that the campaign succeeded by framing the environmental issue as a broader failure of governance and accountability, leveraging the 1995 Constitution's recognition of the right to a healthy environment and the 2005 Access to Information Act.