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The document examines the fragile peace process in Burundi, specifically the integration of the PALIPEHUTU-FNL into the political system. It details the role of regional mediators, the impact of internal power struggles within the ruling CNDD-FDD, and the eventual symbolic concession by the FNL to drop ethnic references from its name to allow for political registration. It also notes significant debt relief provided by the World Bank and IMF in early 2009.

The author contends that structural adjustment programmes (SAPs) and subsequent 'good governance' prescriptions failed to spur development in Africa because they focused on formal institutional arrangements while ignoring neo-patrimonialism. In neo-patrimonial states, rulers are primarily accountable to followers (clients) rather than the general public, creating a tension with Western norms of transparency. The paper suggests that state decay occurs when the informal sphere fully takes over formal structures, leading to a 'self-reinforcing spiral of state decay'. To reverse this, the author argues that African governments must move away from donor-driven blueprints and instead operationalise local, indigenous measures of legitimacy and accountability to serve developmental goals.

The paper examines the failure of structural adjustment programs and subsequent 'good governance' initiatives in Africa. It posits that the tension between formal institutional norms and informal neo-patrimonial practices—where leaders prioritize clients over the general public—has led to state decay. The author argues that for governance to be effective, it must be conceptualized locally, integrating informal realities into development plans rather than merely replicating Western models of transparency and accountability.

The document examines the bilateral relationship between China and Mozambique, highlighting how Mozambique's reliance on traditional Western donors and the influence of the FRELIMO party have constrained China's influence compared to other African nations. It details Chinese investments in infrastructure, such as the Mpanda Nkua dam, and identifies significant controversies surrounding illegal logging and poaching in the fisheries sector. The report also explores future cooperation in agriculture, biofuels, and the establishment of special economic zones, while noting Mozambique's strategic value as a maritime gateway for landlocked SADC countries.

The manual defines conflict-sensitive conservation (CSC) as programming that accounts for the causes, actors, and impacts of conflict to avoid exacerbating tensions and to support peace. It outlines a three-step institutional process for organizations to adopt CSC—assessing capacity, allocating human resources, and developing guiding principles—and a two-step project-level process involving conflict analysis and the design of sensitive solutions. The manual emphasizes that conservation can inadvertently fuel conflict by restricting resource access, imposing economic burdens, or distributing benefits unequally, but it can also foster peace by addressing root causes of resource scarcity and creating non-threatening spaces for dialogue.

The manual introduces 'Conflict-Sensitive Conservation' (CSC), a process designed for conservation organizations operating in or near protected areas, particularly in conflict-prone regions. It argues that while conservation can prevent conflict by managing scarce resources, poorly designed interventions—such as restricting resource access or unequal benefit distribution—can inadvertently trigger or fuel violence. The guide outlines a three-step institutional process to adopt CSC (assessing capacity, allocating human resources, and defining principles) and a two-step programmatic process (conflict analysis and the design/monitoring of solutions). It provides specific tools for analysis, including conflict trees, conflict mapping, and stakeholder profiling, and emphasizes the importance of gender-sensitive approaches to peacebuilding.

The document details a 2009 workshop organized by the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) focusing on the intersection of climate change and transboundary water conflicts in Africa, with a heavy emphasis on the Nile River Basin. It examines how environmental degradation, population growth, and uneven water distribution exacerbate tensions between riparian states. The report highlights the role of regional bodies like the Nile Basin Initiative (NBI), IGAD, and ECOWAS, and argues that while climate change acts as a 'threat multiplier,' it can also serve as an incentive for regional cooperation. Key recommendations include the ratification of the UN Convention on the Law of Non-Navigational Uses of International Watercourses, the establishment of joint management frameworks, and the integration of climate adaptation into national planning and donor programs.

The report argues that no sanitation system is universally sustainable and must be assessed based on specific local contexts using a multi-criteria analysis. By comparing various on-site alternatives against a '0 alternative' (connection to a centralized wastewater treatment plant) in Sweden, South Africa, and Mexico, the study finds that dry urine-diversion systems consistently outperform centralized systems in environmental metrics, such as nutrient recovery and water conservation, although they often rank lower in socio-cultural acceptability and household-level health risks due to the requirement for manual handling of waste.

The report provides a comprehensive health risk assessment of sanitation technologies, categorizing them into functional groups: user interface, collection and storage/treatment, conveyance, semi-centralized treatment, and reuse/disposal. It identifies critical exposure points for users, workers, farmers, and the community, emphasizing that technical barriers (like storage time and pH elevation) must be combined with socio-cultural behavioral changes (such as hand-washing) to effectively break the cycle of disease transmission. The document analyzes specific technologies—ranging from open defecation and pit latrines to advanced wastewater treatment plants—and provides epidemiological evidence on their impact on diarrhoeal diseases and helminth infections.

The report analyzes the environmental and social footprints of China's rapid economic growth within three specific sectors: forestry, cotton, and E-products. It argues that because China is a central 'middleman' in global supply chains, it shares responsibility with international partners to address degradation. For forestry, the report highlights China's role as a major importer of illegally logged timber and recommends building capacity in supplying countries and adopting sustainable procurement. In the cotton sector, it notes high water and pesticide use in domestic production and suggests promoting sustainable sourcing and Sino-African cooperation. For E-products, it focuses on the crisis of E-waste and the toxicity of informal recycling, recommending a national E-waste strategy and international cooperation on responsible disposal. The overarching strategy emphasizes national capacity building, leveraging sustainable markets through green procurement, and active participation in international sustainability standards.

The document assesses Ghana's progress in renewable energy (RE) and energy efficiency (EE), highlighting a government target of 10% RE in the energy mix by 2020. It identifies significant barriers, including the lack of a comprehensive legal framework, high upfront capital costs, and a pricing system that ignores environmental externalities. The author argues that international cooperation—through capacity building, credit support facilities, and the Clean Development Mechanism—is essential to accelerate the transition to a low-carbon economy and improve rural electrification.

The paper examines various target-setting regimes, including the UN Millennium Development Goals and the US Government Performance Results Act, to identify critical success factors for policy implementation. It argues that successful target regimes require a combination of outcome-based indicators, strong local ownership, and integration with budgeting processes. The authors suggest that these insights can help climate policy by translating long-term emissions goals into achievable intermediate outcomes and robust governance frameworks.

The report argues that while ICT innovation is a primary driver of global economic growth and productivity, it creates significant sustainability challenges through rapid hardware obsolescence, increasing energy demands of data centres, and a global e-waste crisis. It proposes viewing the sector as a 'Global Connectivity System' that includes not only manufacturers but also standards bodies, civil society, and end-users. The document highlights the tension between the Internet's origins as an open, participatory tool for social organization and emerging trends toward corporate control, government surveillance, and restrictive intellectual property rights.

The document examines the hydropolitics of the Nile Basin, focusing on the tensions between upstream states, particularly Ethiopia, and downstream states, Egypt and Sudan. It argues that colonial-era agreements and Egypt's pursuit of 'prior appropriation' rights have created an inequitable distribution of water, hindering development in upper riparian states. The author suggests that cooperation through frameworks like the Nile Basin Initiative and the adoption of the Helsinki Rules for equitable sharing are necessary to avoid future conflict and ensure food and energy security.

The document examines the methodological requirements for conducting representative public opinion surveys to support the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). It argues that while participatory consultations are useful for public ownership, they often produce biased results. Instead, the author advocates for random probability sampling, noting that relatively small samples (e.g., 1,200 respondents) can provide accurate national estimates. The paper outlines essential prerequisites—such as recent census data and freedom of travel—and warns against the common error of polling only heads of households, which biases results toward older, employed males. It also provides a practical timeline and cost estimate for implementing such surveys in Africa.

The document details the perspectives of General Martin Luther Agwai on the implementation of the UNAMID mandate in Darfur. It outlines the socio-economic and political origins of the Darfur conflict, the transition from the African Union Mission in Sudan (AMIS) to the hybrid UNAMID operation, and the significant logistical and political hurdles facing the mission. General Agwai argues that while UNAMID has achieved success in civilian protection and humanitarian support, it is severely hampered by a lack of equipment, insufficient troop levels, and a complex security environment where no stable peace exists to be kept.

The document examines the dual role of intellectual property as both an incentive and a barrier to the transfer of climate-related technologies. It highlights the potential of TRIPS flexibilities—such as compulsory licensing and patentability exemptions—to facilitate technology access in developing countries. It also suggests exploring financial mechanisms and guidelines for publicly funded research within the UNFCCC framework to enhance the post-Kyoto climate regime.

The paper examines the methodological requirements for conducting credible representative public opinion surveys within the framework of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). It contrasts the limitations of 'participatory' consultations—which often suffer from self-selection bias—with the precision of random probability sampling. The author provides technical guidance on sample sizes, the necessity of accurate census data, and the importance of sampling individual citizens rather than household heads. It also outlines the practical costs and timelines for implementing such surveys in Africa, suggesting that national surveys of 1,200 respondents typically cost between $85,000 and $125,000.

The document argues that corruption in public procurement is a systemic issue in Africa, costing the continent approximately $148 billion annually and serving as a primary driver of poverty. It identifies a cycle where 'grand corruption' by elites leads to poverty, which in turn fuels 'petty corruption' among underpaid public servants. The author advocates for a comprehensive approach combining political will, robust legal frameworks, transparency, and the involvement of non-state actors to reduce corruption to marginal levels.

The document argues that corruption in public procurement is a primary driver of poverty in Africa, potentially costing the continent $148 billion annually. It identifies a cycle where 'grande corruption' (large-scale corruption) by elites leads to national poverty, which in turn fuels 'petite corruption' (small-scale corruption) among underpaid officials. The author advocates for a comprehensive approach combining strong anti-corruption legislation, political will from top leadership, transparency in bidding processes, and the involvement of non-governmental actors to reduce corruption to marginal levels.