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The report finds a significant lack of a level playing field in the EU, with 13 Member States still relying on entirely paper-based processes for verifying catch certificates (CCs). While some states have developed national IT tools, these cannot detect the 'overuse' of CCs across different EU entry points. The European Commission's CATCH system is designed to provide a centralised EU-wide database to prevent fraud and harmonise risk analysis, but as of June 2021, no Member State was actively operating the first version due to a lack of legal requirements and data input from third countries. The report recommends that the Commission make CATCH mandatory, improve its interoperability with national systems, and develop tools to monitor trade flow variations to identify potential IUU fishing loopholes.

The document analyzes how free emission allowances under the EU ETS led to up to 50 billion euros in windfall profits for energy-intensive industries between 2008 and 2019. It challenges the 'carbon leakage' justification for these allowances, noting a lack of evidence for industrial relocation. The author recommends transitioning to full auctioning of permits and utilizing the resulting revenues for climate innovation and a just transition.

The report warns that 11 major Eurozone banks hold over 530 billion euros in fossil fuel assets, representing 95% of their total equity. It argues that these assets are prone to becoming 'stranded assets' as the world transitions to meet the Paris Agreement, potentially triggering a financial crisis similar to the 2008 subprime mortgage crisis. The authors critique 'green finance' as largely greenwashing and call for the European Central Bank (ECB) to align its monetary policy with climate goals, increase capital requirements for fossil fuel exposure, and establish a public 'bad bank' to manage the phased extinction of these assets.

The report warns that the 11 largest banks in the eurozone hold over 530 billion euros in fossil fuel assets, which represent 95% of their total equity on average. This overexposure creates a significant risk of 'stranded assets' as the world transitions to meet Paris Agreement goals. The authors argue that current 'green finance' is largely a greenwashing tool and that voluntary bank commitments are insufficient. They propose a two-step solution: first, implementing strict regulations and reforming European Central Bank (ECB) monetary policy to stop new fossil fuel funding; second, establishing a public 'fossil bank' under the ECB to buy back and gradually phase out these risky assets to protect financial stability and enable the ecological transition.

Friends of the Earth International and 81 other organizations condemn the Colombian government's use of military and police force against peaceful protesters. The statement links social unrest to economic inequality, the failure to implement FARC-EP peace accords, and an extractive development model that prioritizes capital accumulation over nature and human rights. It calls for an end to human rights violations, the cessation of aerial glyphosate spraying, and the implementation of comprehensive agrarian reform.

Friends of the Earth International and 81 other organizations condemn the Colombian government's violent response to the 2021 National Strike. The statement links the social unrest to a tax reform proposal, rising poverty, and a development model that prioritizes extractive industries and monetary accumulation over human rights and nature. It calls for an immediate end to military repression, the protection of the right to protest, and the implementation of comprehensive agrarian reform and food sovereignty.

The author contends that the Covid-19 crisis demonstrated that capitalism is not synonymous with the market. Drawing on the theories of Adam Smith and Karl Marx, the text proposes a post-capitalist economic model characterized by a stronger 'care economy', the elimination of the capital-labor divide through cooperatives, and the prioritization of local, circular markets over shareholder accumulation.

The report finds that while post-issuance UoP reporting is widespread, impact reporting is less common and highly unstandardised. It highlights a positive correlation between reporting availability and the presence of external reviews, particularly post-issuance reviews. The analysis reveals that larger issuers and more mature markets generally report more frequently, though average quality scores remain relatively constant across deal sizes. The document argues for a shift toward a common global reporting framework and the use of absolute rather than relative metrics to provide a holistic view of environmental performance.

Between 2008 and 2019, fifteen CO2-intensive industrial sectors in nineteen EU countries earned estimated additional profits between €30 billion and over €50 billion from the EU ETS. These profits were derived from three primary sources: the overallocation of free emission allowances, the use of cheaper international credits (CERs/ERUs) for compliance, and the passing through of opportunity costs of free allowances into product prices. The iron and steel sector was the largest beneficiary, with profits ranging from €11.9 billion to €16.1 billion. In contrast, the aviation sector experienced a net loss of €151.2 million due to the need to purchase allowances. The report argues that free allocation may no longer be fit for purpose and recommends increasing the share of auctioning combined with targeted investment subsidies or a Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) to reduce windfall profits and encourage decarbonization.

The document analyzes the drivers of protests against pandemic restrictions across Europe, Germany, and the US. It finds that protest intensity is influenced by the perceived asynchronicity between mortality rates and policy stringency, levels of trust in government, and political polarization. In Europe, higher trust and lower civil liberties correlate with fewer protests. In Germany, districts with lower support for mainstream parties saw more protests, particularly in the East. In the US, protest intensity was higher in Democratic-governed states, driven both by stricter measures and political polarization.

The analysis evaluates Estonia's readiness for a hydrogen economy, focusing on the transport and industrial sectors as primary drivers for decarbonization. It models two scenarios (low and high) for hydrogen penetration by 2050, estimating that total investments could reach EUR 22.4 to 44.7 billion. The report highlights that while the transport sector—particularly shipping and rail—and the production of green ammonia and methanol offer the highest potential, significant barriers exist, including a lack of refueling infrastructure, high initial costs, and the need for a national hydrogen strategy. To unlock this potential, the study emphasizes the necessity of increasing renewable electricity capacity, specifically through offshore wind, and providing public investment to kick-start the market.

Reclaim Finance asserts that the EU sustainable taxonomy's climate mitigation and adaptation criteria have been watered down due to pressure from Member states and industry lobbies. The author claims the current proposal allows for the burning of all forest biomass and creates pathways for fossil gas and nuclear energy to be labeled as sustainable, thereby undermining the EU Sustainable Finance Strategy and contradicting scientific research.

Reclaim Finance criticizes the European Commission's 2021 delegated acts for the EU sustainable taxonomy, claiming that political and industrial pressure has overridden scientific criteria. The author asserts that the current framework allows for greenwashing by adopting weak bioenergy standards and leaving the door open for fossil gas and nuclear energy, which the author argues are incompatible with the Paris Agreement goals.

The text advocates for a transition from capitalism to a post-capitalist market economy, drawing on the theories of Adam Smith and Karl Marx. It argues that the COVID-19 crisis demonstrated the necessity of state intervention and social solidarity, contrasting this with the failures of unregulated capitalism seen in the 2008 financial crisis. The author proposes a model based on three pillars: expanding the 'economy of care' and state regulation, establishing enterprises without capital-labor asymmetry (such as cooperatives), and implementing local markets using social currencies or service-based models to ensure ecological and social stability.

The author argues that the term 'climate refugee' is legally inaccurate and oversimplifies the multi-causal nature of migration, where climate change acts as a 'threat multiplier'. The text disputes the narrative of mass migration from the Global South to Europe, noting that most climate-induced movement is internal. It suggests that planned, voluntary migration can be a 'triple win' for migrants, origin communities, and destination areas. The document calls for integrated governance and the use of tools like the Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration to address displacement.

The EU's Just Transition Mechanism is a three-pillar framework designed to mitigate socio-economic disruptions caused by the transition to net-zero emissions by 2050. It focuses on regions dependent on coal, lignite, peat, and oil shale, providing a combination of grants and loans to support economic diversification, reskilling, and infrastructure. While the mechanism requires national Territorial Just Transition Plans for funding, challenges remain regarding the fund's size, the inclusion of social partners in governance, and the alignment of member state climate targets with EU goals.

The Nordic GSS bond market reached a cumulative volume of USD 88.2bn by the end of 2020, with green bonds accounting for 96% of this total. Sweden is the regional leader, contributing half of the green bond volume and issuing the first Nordic sovereign green bond in September 2020. The market is characterized by strong public sector participation and a high prevalence of low-carbon building projects. External review coverage is exceptionally high, with 99% of cumulative green bond volume reviewed, primarily through Second Party Opinions (SPOs).

The report finds that the EU is planning a 35% increase in gas import capacity through pipelines and LNG terminals, costing an estimated €87 billion. This expansion is argued to be unnecessary for security of supply and contradictory to the EU's climate goals, creating a significant risk of stranded assets and emissions lock-in. While public financing from the EIB and EU grants has historically catalyzed these projects, the report notes a shift toward phasing out such support, though private finance and initiatives like the Three Seas Initiative continue to pose risks of further fossil gas entrenchment.

The LIFE-A2J-EARL project focused on bridging the 'implementation gap' of EU environmental laws by empowering the judiciary, public administrations, and public interest lawyers. Operating across eight EU Member States, the project produced a comprehensive legal guide, national toolkits, and a digital platform to facilitate access to justice. It delivered 48 training sessions and 12 webinars, reaching over 2,000 participants. Despite delays caused by the COVID-19 pandemic and shifting judicial attitudes in some regions, the project successfully increased stakeholder awareness of the Aarhus Convention and EU case-law. Key outputs included a database of 117 public interest lawyers from 15 countries and a final virtual conference attended by 285 participants.

The paper explores the concept of Buen Vivir, rooted in indigenous Latin American paradigms, and its potential as an alternative to the anthropocentric and growth-based models of development prevalent in Europe. It highlights the tension between Buen Vivir and the 'Green Economy' or 'European Green Deal', arguing that while the latter seeks to 'decouple' growth from resource use, Buen Vivir rejects the logic of infinite economic growth entirely. The authors note that while official EU-Latin American diplomatic recognition of Buen Vivir has been limited and largely stagnant since a 2015 resolution, local-level initiatives in European cities—such as Amsterdam—and countries like Spain and Greece are increasingly adopting practices aligned with Buen Vivir, including agroecology, local currencies, and the promotion of the 'commons'.