Search Climate Insights Directory

The report investigates how transitioning to a closed-loop economy affects employment, concluding that circular economy proxy measures are generally more labour-intensive than fossil-fuel-related jobs and can decouple economic activity from greenhouse gas emissions.

G20 governments provided an annual average of $584 billion in support for fossil fuels from 2017 to 2019, with oil and gas production receiving the largest share. While overall support dropped by 9% compared to 2014–2016, this decline was inconsistent across countries and partly driven by lower oil prices. The report finds that state-owned enterprise (SOE) investment is the only support mechanism that increased overall, and that COVID-19 recovery packages have introduced at least $170 billion in new commitments to fossil fuel-intensive sectors, threatening to undo previous progress.

The document highlights a significant misalignment between government energy production plans and Paris Agreement goals, noting that governments planned to extract 60% more oil, 70% more gas, and 280% more coal by 2030 than is consistent with a 1.5°C pathway. It suggests that NDCs and LT-LEDS can be used to communicate pathways, targets, and policy measures to manage the transition away from fossil fuels while ensuring a just transition for affected workers and communities.

The paper evaluates the 2008–09 green stimulus, finding that while it supported GDP and job creation in economies like the US, China, South Korea, and the EU, it failed to create a long-term low-carbon trajectory due to a lack of structural reforms and the persistence of fossil fuel subsidies.

The GCF Executive Director rejected recommendations from the Information Appeals Panel to disclose a detailed list of funding proposals (FPs) for Board meetings B.26 and B.27. The ED argued that the GCF is not required to create special lists upon request, that the requested information is dynamic and often already disclosed, and that certain documents are 'limited distribution' and thus non-disclosable without Board consent. Furthermore, the ED stated that disclosing draft FP information without explicit confidentiality assessments from accredited entities would pose reputational and legal risks, as no formal mechanism for marking draft FPs as confidential currently exists.

The GCF's interim ESS and ESMS are deemed 'not fit for purpose' as they rely on IFC standards that focus on risk mitigation ('do no harm') rather than the GCF's mandate to generate positive climate and social value ('do good'). The evaluation identifies critical gaps in human rights, gender equity, and stakeholder engagement. Operationally, the accreditation process is criticized as a 'desk review exercise' that fails to verify actual implementation capacity, particularly for direct access entities (DAEs). Monitoring is severely limited, relying on AE self-reporting via annual performance reports (APRs) without an operationalized monitoring and accountability framework (MAF). Additionally, the REDD+ pilot programme is found to be inconsistent with the Warsaw Framework for REDD+ due to additional safeguard requirements and a binary 'pass/fail' assessment approach.

The author advocates for the appointment of Ngozi Okonjo Iweala as Director-General of the World Trade Organization, citing her international experience and African perspective as essential for restoring faith in the multilateral trading system. The text emphasizes that a revival of world trade is critical for Africa's sustainable development, noting that the continent must generate 20 million jobs annually over the next 20 years through agriculture and manufacturing to avoid poverty and conflict. While acknowledging the qualifications of Yoo Myung-hee, the author asserts that Okonjo Iweala's background as a former World Bank Managing Director and Finance Minister of Nigeria makes her better equipped to handle current global uncertainties, including the impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic and climate change.

The report identifies over 60 mitigation policies adopted between July 2019 and August 2020, noting the highest activity in the energy and transport sectors. It highlights a lack of explicitly 'green' COVID-19 recovery measures in most assessed countries, except for the EU and Republic of Korea. Additionally, it tracks the progress of NDCs and LTS, noting that only Vietnam has officially revised its NDC target among the group, while the EU and Japan have submitted net-zero long-term strategies.

The sustainable debt market in H1 2020 was characterized by a shift in composition due to the COVID-19 pandemic, with a surge in pandemic and social bonds offsetting a significant decline in green bond volumes. While green bonds historically dominated, H1 2020 saw a more even split between themes, with pandemic-related investments likely financing around half of the total sustainable debt market. The report highlights the emergence of pandemic bonds, primarily in China, and the role of supranationals in sustainability issuance. Policy-wise, it examines the 'build back better' agenda, the development of taxonomies in the EU and China, and the increasing involvement of central banks and stock exchanges in integrating climate risk into financial systems.

The report argues that the GCF's current SEAH policy is too broad in scope, creating impractical obligations for counterparties and exposing the Fund to undue legal and reputational risks. It recommends splitting the framework: maintaining a standalone internal policy for 'covered individuals' while integrating the prevention of sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) into the existing Environmental and Social (ES) safeguarding framework for project-level activities. The assessment emphasizes the need for in-house subject-matter expertise, a survivor-centered approach, and the adoption of an intersectional lens and the 'ecological model' to better understand and mitigate risks to vulnerable groups.

The report examines the IFC's Green Equity Approach (GEA), which aims to phase out coal investments in financial institutions by 2030. While analysis of 81 high and medium-risk investments between July 2019 and June 2020 shows that 83% explicitly exclude coal, the report identifies significant loopholes. Specifically, it notes that the GEA excludes captive coal plants for industrial use and that debt ring-fencing may be ineffective. A case study of PT Bank KEB Hana Indonesia, the first GEA pilot client, reveals that despite the framework, the bank provided project finance for the Java 9 and 10 coal plants in Indonesia in July 2020.

Ghost gear is identified as the most lethal form of marine plastic debris, contributing between 500,000 and 1 million tonnes of plastic to the oceans annually. It causes indiscriminate 'ghost fishing' that threatens endangered species, damages critical habitats, and creates economic losses for fisheries and other maritime sectors. While various international frameworks like UNCLOS and MARPOL exist, the report describes them as fragmented and ineffective. WWF advocates for a combination of preventive measures (gear marking, circular design), mitigation (biodegradable materials), and curative actions (retrieval programs), culminating in the call for a new UN treaty on marine plastic pollution.

The Climate Action Tracker finds that COVID-19 recovery packages in major emitting economies lack detailed green planning, with quantifiable interventions representing only a small fraction of total GDP investments. While the pandemic may lower emissions by 2030, this is attributed to economic downturn rather than structural decarbonisation, leaving global warming projections at 2.9°C based on current policies, far exceeding the Paris Agreement's 1.5°C limit.

The document advocates for a transition to zero-carbon fuels like hydrogen and ammonia to address the high emissions of the marine shipping sector, which is identified as a "hard to abate" industry. It details production pathways including electrolysis and gas reforming with carbon capture and storage (CCS), and proposes federal policy interventions such as the American Energy Innovation Act of 2020, production tax credits, and the creation of regional fuel hubs to reduce costs and build necessary infrastructure.

The Council on Strategic Risks identifies a gap between the existing technical capacity for real-time pathogen surveillance and the actual implementation in the United States. While tools like next-generation sequencing and metagenomics enable rapid detection, the U.S. response is hindered by outdated data sharing methods, such as fax machines, and a lack of a trusted, neutral entity to manage global health data. The report advocates for a 'wartime footing' to modernize public health infrastructure and create a coordinated, potentially independent, data-focused institute to manage pathogen information.

The document advocates for a circular economy to replace the linear "take-make-waste" model, which currently results in over 60% of the 100 billion tons of resources flowing into the economy annually ending up as waste or emissions. It proposes three pathways for transition: consuming less, consuming better through sustainable choices and sharing platforms, and implementing systemic changes such as designing products for longevity and introducing policy incentives for recycled materials. The guide highlights that circularity in five key sectors could reduce CO2 emissions by 3.7 billion tons by 2050 and presents a $4.5 trillion economic opportunity.

The policy brief critiques the South African government's 'risk-adjusted' strategy for reopening the economy during the COVID-19 pandemic, arguing that it prioritizes business profitability over worker safety and ignores the impact of deep social inequalities. The authors propose a 'well-being economy' framework that treats health and economic performance as intertwined. Key recommendations include democratizing the return to work through worker oversight, implementing a universal basic income guarantee, expanding social infrastructure in townships, and reversing austerity measures in the national budget to provide a genuine rescue package for the most vulnerable.

The paper argues that the TSD Chapter of the EU-Mercosur Association Agreement is not fit for purpose, citing its inability to reinforce Paris Agreement commitments, a weak dispute settlement mechanism lacking sanctions, and insufficient monitoring of environmental and social impacts. It highlights gaps in the agreement's scope regarding human rights and supply chain responsibility, and recommends fundamental reforms to monitoring, enforcement, and the role of civil society.

The document establishes a framework for evaluating 'high-quality' carbon credits across six quality objectives: robust GHG impact determination, avoidance of double counting, addressing non-permanence, facilitating the transition to net zero, strong institutional arrangements, and positive environmental and social impacts. It details specific criteria for each, such as additionality, corresponding adjustments under the Paris Agreement, and the avoidance of carbon lock-in, to guide buyers in a complex market.

The document argues that the massive fiscal stimulus required for COVID-19 recovery presents a unique opportunity to transition to a low-carbon economy. It suggests that climate-aligned investments offer higher returns than traditional spending, citing benefit-cost ratios for adaptation between 2:1 and 10:1. The author proposes seven action areas: managing corporate bailouts with emissions targets, investing in climate-smart infrastructure (such as renewable energy and nature-based solutions), promoting regulatory reform, reforming tax and subsidy policies (including cutting fossil fuel subsidies), integrating climate risks into financial regulations, enhancing the role of development finance institutions, and sponsoring R&D for new technologies. The text emphasizes that green investments can create more jobs than fossil fuel investments, noting that in the US, $1 million spent on renewable energy creates 7.5 FTE jobs compared to 2.7 in fossil fuels.