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The document describes a scoping phase (January to November 2008) for a programme aimed at building long-term capacity in universities, research institutes, government, industry, and NGOs to manage climate change risks. The initiative focuses on developing research capacity, enhancing science-technology-policy networks, and stimulating science-policy dialogue to integrate climate risk management into national development policies. Proposed activities include forming national advisory groups, providing short courses on adaptation and vulnerability, hosting international experts, developing curricula, and establishing joint research fellowships. The programme is designed to support the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change Nairobi Work Programme and National Adaptation Programmes of Action.

The briefing by Ambassador William Lacy Swing examines the role of MONUC in the Democratic Republic of Congo, highlighting the successful delivery of the country's first democratic elections since 1960. It argues that a credible process—combining legal frameworks, financial resources, and regional support—is essential for peacekeeping. The author emphasizes the need for 'sustainment strategies' over 'exit strategies' in post-electoral societies to ensure long-term stability and warns against the donor tendency to reduce support after elections. The document also notes the increasing scale and cost of 'Big Missions' and the efficiency of UN multilateral operations compared to bilateral efforts.

The document examines the first practical application of the August 2003 Decision under the WTO's Doha Declaration, where Rwanda notified its intent to import pharmaceutical products from a generic manufacturer in Canada. It highlights that as a Least-Developed Country (LDC), Rwanda is exempt from certain notification requirements under paragraph 1(b) of the Decision. The author argues that this specific case serves as a critical precedent for the future utility and functionality of the system designed to allow countries to access medicines during public health crises via compulsory licensing.

The briefing examines regional integration in Central Africa, contrasting the deeper economic and monetary integration of the Central Africa Economic and Monetary Community (CEMAC) with the broader, more politically focused Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS). It highlights the influence of France and the EU, the economic role of Nigeria, and the complexities of Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) negotiations, particularly regarding revenue loss from tariffs and the asymmetric development levels of member states.

The workshop brought together practitioners and policymakers to discuss early lessons from adaptation projects in south-eastern Africa. Key discussions focused on coping with extreme events, health impacts, and energy vulnerabilities, while exploring the distinction between development and adaptation projects. The event highlighted the need for participatory, community-led approaches and better access to climate data and international funding.

The report analyzes the proliferation of small arms and light weapons (SALW) in the DRC, CAR, and Chad, linking arms availability to historical instability, ethnic conflict, and poor governance. It assesses various disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR) efforts, noting that while some institutional frameworks exist, they are often undermined by a lack of resources, political mistrust, and the persistence of non-state armed groups. The author argues that sustainable peace requires integrating disarmament with socio-economic development and regional cooperation.

The report examines the 'spaghetti bowl' of overlapping regional economic communities (RECs) in southern and eastern Africa, focusing on the Southern African Customs Union (SACU), the Southern African Development Community (SADC), the Common Market of Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA), and the East African Community (EAC). It highlights the institutional tensions caused by multiple memberships and the pressure from EU Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) negotiations. The authors argue that SACU should be positioned as a core 'fast-tracking' anchor for regional integration, but emphasize that it must first 'get the basics right' by improving trade facilitation, statistics, and its internal institutional framework before expanding.

The report analyzes power-sharing as a tool to mitigate civil conflict by guaranteeing political roles to potential 'spoilers'. It argues that while power-sharing can promote peace when parties are evenly matched and conflict costs are high, it may increase conflict risks when groups are unevenly matched. The authors highlight significant trade-offs, noting that power-sharing prioritizes 'ex post fairness' over democratic 'ex ante uncertainty' and can lead to high transaction costs and agency losses, such as the selection of intransigent, group-based politicians.

The 2006 elections in the Democratic Republic of the Congo ended a three-year transition, resulting in the inauguration of Joseph Kabila. While the process was generally free and fair, it revealed a deep regional divide and was marred by violent clashes in Kinshasa and renewed conflict in North Kivu led by General Nkunda. The document highlights critical needs for military reform and improved state governance to prevent social unrest and ensure long-term stability.

The African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) is a central component of NEPAD designed to hold African leaders accountable for good governance and socio-economic development. However, the process is hindered by its voluntary nature, a lack of sanctioning power, and the absence of international institutions like the IMF and World Bank in its monitoring process. Political solidarity among leaders, funding shortages for the Secretariat, and country-specific implementation hurdles in nations such as Mauritius and Rwanda further undermine its ability to deliver tangible results.

The Darfur Peace Agreement (DPA) is described as 'nearly dead' and 'in a coma' just five months after ratification, with violence against civilians intensifying. The report highlights the failure of the African Union (AU) peacekeeping mission due to inadequate funding, equipment, and a limited mandate, while the Sudanese government under President Omar al-Bashir resists a full UN peacekeeping deployment. The conflict is rooted in historical land disputes and the politics of natural resources, including unexploited oil, uranium, copper, and bauxite in Darfur. International action is complicated by the commercial interests of UN Security Council permanent members—China, Russia, and France—who buy Sudanese oil. The report concludes that while the proposed 'AU-Plus' option (an extended AU mission with UN logistical and financial support) may be insufficient, it represents the only viable alternative to break the current diplomatic impasse.

The report examines the 'commodity price problem,' characterized by extreme short-term volatility and a steady long-term decline in real prices relative to manufactured goods. While high prices can provide windfall revenues, the authors argue that dependence on primary commodities creates a 'resource trap' that undermines fiscal planning, exacerbates social inequality, and encourages environmental degradation. The document concludes that because developing countries lack the resources to hedge against these risks, the international community should focus on income stabilization through mechanisms such as compensatory financing, national revenue management, and risk management instruments.

The document lists the signature, ratification, and deposit dates for 53 African entities regarding the AU Convention on the Prevention and Combating of Terrorism. As of 23 June 2006, 48 countries had signed the convention, while 36 had completed ratification or accession and deposited their instruments.

The report analyzes the bidirectional relationship between biodiversity conservation and conflict in the Albertine Rift. It distinguishes between local-level conflicts directly caused by conservation interventions—such as restricted resource access and unequal benefit sharing—and regional armed conflicts driven by deep-rooted socio-economic and political factors. The document reviews several conflict-analysis methodologies, including 'Do No Harm' and 'Peace and Conflict Impact Assessment', to propose a multi-step framework for making conservation projects more conflict-sensitive throughout their project cycle.

The paper examines NEPAD as a holistic development initiative for Africa, contrasting it with earlier plans like the Lagos Plan of Action and the Abuja Treaty. It highlights NEPAD's focus on globalisation, good governance via the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), and its specific administrative structures. While the author notes progress in policy development and some specific projects, such as the West Africa Gas Pipeline and e-School Initiative, the report concludes that overall implementation is hindered by inadequate capacity in regional economic communities and a lack of sufficient funding from developed partners.

The document argues that current global trade rules are inequitable and often lock developing countries into a dependence on volatile primary commodities, which increases the risk of civil war. It highlights how rich-country agricultural subsidies and market access restrictions undermine economic diversification in the South. Regarding aid, the text warns that development assistance can inadvertently build the capacity of oppressive regimes or be diverted by the strategic interests of donor nations. The series also examines the 'resource curse,' where natural resource wealth leads to corruption and instability, and proposes a combination of mandatory legal regulations, transparency initiatives like the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI), and conflict-sensitive business practices to break the link between resource extraction and violence.

The document examines the 'political architecture' of liberal peacebuilding, which seeks to establish liberal market democracies in post-conflict states. It argues that while this approach is dominant in international politics, it faces significant legitimacy challenges. Communitarians argue it imposes external Western values over local cultures; critical theorists contend it reinforces a hegemonic and unjust global order; and postmodernists critique its reliance on technocratic 'social engineering.' The author proposes alternative frameworks, such as 'building the capacity for peaceful self-governance' and 'dialogic peacebuilding,' to reconcile liberal ideals with local autonomy and global justice.

In this inaugural address, the Director of the South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA) asserts that Africa's development depends on internal agency rather than external aid. The author highlights the importance of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) and NEPAD in fostering good governance and accountability. The text warns against a 'new scramble for Africa' driven by China's demand for raw materials, urging states to implement industrial policies and beneficiation to avoid neo-imperialist patterns. It concludes that while international interest and growth are positive, sustainable progress requires capable state institutions, proactive leadership, and a move away from ideological rigidity.

The report analyzes the Democratic Republic of Congo's transition toward national elections scheduled for 2006. It details the legislative progress, the operational challenges of the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC), and the critical role of security sector reform. The authors identify significant security threats from armed groups in Ituri, North Kivu, and Katanga, as well as political tensions involving the UDPS. Three scenarios are presented: a successful transition under the current '1+4' leadership, a transition with new leadership, or a total breakdown of order.

The report details a three-day workshop in Kinshasa involving the DRC Ministry of Defence and a SADC delegation. The proceedings focused on the challenges of military integration in the DRC, including the need for a national defence policy, the role of political will, and the management of personnel. SADC representatives from South Africa, Namibia, Zimbabwe, and Mozambique shared their specific post-conflict reintegration experiences. The document concludes that while regional experiences provide reference points, the DRC faces significant hurdles such as parallel command structures, lack of a formal defence policy, and interference from politicians.