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The Cancun Climate Summit is characterized as a moderate success that restored faith in the multilateral process following the Copenhagen summit. Key outcomes included the first official UN agreement to keep global temperature increases below 2°C, the recognition of voluntary emission reduction plans for 2020, and the establishment of financial mechanisms for developing countries, including a 30 billion dollar transfer for 2010-2012 and the creation of the Green Climate Fund. While the summit made progress on measurement, reporting, and verification (MRV) and forest protection (REDD+), it left the decision on a second Kyoto Protocol period to the 2011 Durban summit. The authors attribute the success to the leadership of the Mexican government and the UNFCCC Executive Secretary.

The report analyzes the aluminium sector's exposure to carbon leakage, finding that while the sector as a whole is trade-intensive, the risk varies by product. Unwrought non-alloy aluminium is identified as particularly vulnerable due to high trade and CO2 intensity, whereas secondary aluminium and semi-fabricated products pose lower risks. The study highlights a shift in primary production capacity toward China and the Middle East, while the EU27 remains a leader in recycling but continues to export scrap to China.

The report analyzes the pulp, paper, and paperboard sectors, finding that while both are classified as at risk of carbon leakage under EU ETS criteria, the drivers of trade intensity are often related to biomass availability and market effects rather than carbon pricing. It highlights a trend of the EU importing raw pulp and low-quality paper while exporting high-quality products, and notes that the export of recovered paper to China may cause 'negative carbon leakage' by depriving EU producers of low-emission raw materials.

The document serves as a resource for First Nations in Canada to navigate the economic opportunities and risks of carbon markets. It emphasizes that while global literature on indigenous peoples and carbon markets exists, there is a significant information void specifically regarding First Nations in Canada. The report argues that for indigenous participation to be equitable, governments must recognize carbon rights, obtain free, prior and informed consent, and adopt decentralized governance models that prioritize local employment over simple financial compensation. It also highlights the technical necessity of accurate carbon accounting, particularly in the boreal forest, where factors like insect infestations and soil moisture significantly impact carbon stock measurements.

The Treaty of Pelindaba establishes Africa as a nuclear-weapon-free zone, prohibiting the development, testing, and stationing of nuclear explosive devices. Entered into force on 15 July 2009, the treaty requires member states to renounce nuclear weapons and implement strict non-proliferation measures for peaceful nuclear energy use. It establishes the African Commission on Nuclear Energy (AFCONE) for compliance monitoring and includes three protocols for non-African nuclear-weapon states and those controlling territories within the zone. As of March 2011, 31 African Union members have ratified the treaty.

The report examines South Africa's entry into the BRICS, contrasting it with the IBSA forum. It highlights that while membership offers symbolic recognition and a platform to advance African priorities, economic benefits are not automatic due to market barriers in other BRICS nations and competition for African markets. The text notes that BRICS is an informal dialogue forum rather than a formal alliance, with varying degrees of congruence on issues like climate change and global trade.

The document analyzes four studies to determine that developing countries have pledged more absolute mitigation than developed countries, though global pledges remain insufficient to limit warming to 2°C. It argues that developed countries must increase their ambition and tighten accounting rules to reflect their greater historical responsibility and financial capacity.

South Africa's climate policy is shaped by a conflict between its role as an international 'bridge-builder' and domestic structural barriers. While the government pursues a leadership role in multilateral forums and the BASIC group, domestic progress is hindered by a 'minerals-energy complex' dominated by coal-reliant entities like Eskom and Sasol, alongside urgent priorities to expand energy access and employment. The document highlights the diplomatic challenge of balancing relations with major emerging economies and other African nations while managing internal political and industrial pressures.

The paper analyzes adaptive capacity in the Nordic countries and Russia, noting that determinants in these industrialised states differ systematically from those in mixed subsistence-cash based communities, such as those in Arctic Canada. It identifies internal disparities in adaptive capacity based on location (peripheral versus central) and national context (Nordic versus Russian), specifically regarding economic resources, diversification, infrastructure, and technology access.

The document outlines the positions of a broad coalition of environmental and health NGOs on the European Commission's proposed definition of nanomaterials. While welcoming the initiative to establish a regulatory framework, the signatories argue for a broader size range (0.3 to 300 nm) than the proposed 1-100 nm to ensure that potentially hazardous materials are not excluded from scrutiny. They specifically support basing size distribution on particle numbers and the inclusion of aggregates, agglomerates, and materials smaller than 1 nm, such as fullerenes.

The document argues that the rise of emerging powers—specifically the BRIC nations—provides an opportunity for South Africa and the broader African continent to shift the global economic center of gravity toward the South. Minister Nkoana‐Mashabane emphasizes that South Africa seeks to balance its memberships in IBSA and BRIC to amplify the voice of developing nations in multilateral processes and the reform of Bretton Woods Institutions. For Africa to transition into an emerging power itself, the Minister identifies four critical priority areas: Infrastructure, Intra-trade, Industry, and Integration. The speech frames these geopolitical shifts not as a zero-sum game, but as a means to address shared global challenges including climate change and energy security through cooperation between the developed and developing worlds.

The report identifies growing risks to the space environment, including space debris and the development of anti-satellite (ASAT) capabilities, which threaten critical civil, commercial, and military infrastructure. It argues that unilateral 'space dominance' is unrealistic and counterproductive, advocating instead for international cooperation, transparency, and a shift toward 'smart planning' to ensure mission assurance. The authors propose ten steps for the Obama administration, including pledging not to be the first to station weapons in space, modifying restrictive export controls, and establishing a high-level expert panel to improve space situational awareness.

India faces a growing gap between energy demand and indigenous supply, projecting it will become the world's third largest energy consumer by 2030. To address this, India is implementing an integrated energy policy focusing on diversifying sources—including increased imports of high-quality coal from South Africa and oil from Africa—while expanding nuclear, hydropower, and renewable energy capacities. Significant challenges remain, including unreliable infrastructure, high transmission losses, and geopolitical tensions affecting pipeline viability.

The document examines the evolution of South–South co-operation through the lens of the BRIC and IBSA forums. It argues that while these emerging powers have the potential to challenge neo-liberal globalisation and shift global governance toward a multipolar world, they must move beyond rhetoric to adopt inclusive mechanisms that prioritise the development interests of Africa and the broader South to avoid becoming a 'rich man’s club'.

The document highlights the accelerating loss of Arctic sea ice and the resulting threats to indigenous communities and global populations as evidence of the climate crisis. It argues that while law alone cannot solve climate change, international law is a vital instrument for achieving justice and protecting the rights of those most vulnerable to environmental degradation. The text frames the mission of the Center for International Environmental Law (CIEL) as using transformative legal approaches to hold powerful entities accountable and protect human health and the environment on a global scale.

Scientists for Global Responsibility (SGR) critiques the UK's Strategic Defence and Security Review for excluding nuclear weapons and maintaining an oversized military budget. SGR advocates for a 25% reduction in military spending, the cancellation of the Trident replacement system, and the retirement of various offensive conventional weapons. The organization argues that funds should be redirected toward tackling the roots of insecurity, such as poverty and unsustainable natural resource consumption, to improve energy security and mitigate climate change.

The research evaluates the economic impact of forest area changes from 2000 to 2050, focusing on provisioning, regulating, and cultural services. Using a combination of market data, meta-analysis, and value transfer, the study finds that while managed forests may increase provisioning revenues, the loss of natural forests—particularly in tropical and boreal biomes—leads to significant welfare losses, primarily driven by the loss of carbon sequestration capacity. Brazil is projected to suffer the highest economic loss, potentially reaching 6% of its 2050 GDP.

The document argues that media outlets have a duty to connect the dots between a warming climate and the devastating weather events of 2010, such as heatwaves in Russia and flooding in Pakistan. It asserts that climate change will increase the frequency of severe weather, decrease crop yields, and worsen air quality, providing a list of scientific and journalistic resources to support this coverage.

The document examines the potential for a strategic partnership between South Africa and Russia, noting that while Russia's economic size and global influence make it a vital partner for exports and FDI, South African corporates face significant hurdles. These include a poor 'Doing Business' ranking, widespread corruption, lax intellectual property enforcement, and state dominance in strategic sectors. Despite these challenges, the state visit resulted in cooperation agreements in uranium enrichment, space, technology, and mining.

The paper addresses the 'windfall' emissions permits (AAUs) held by countries in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) and the Former Soviet Union (FSU), which threaten the environmental integrity of the Kyoto Protocol. It analyzes the conflicting positions of Russia and the EU, noting that Russia views its surplus as a hedge against future emissions growth. To resolve this, the authors propose creating a non-tradable strategic compliance reserve for first-period surpluses and implementing 'optimized trading' for second-period over-allocations. This approach aims to maintain carbon market prices and recognize the 'early action' of transition economies while preventing the market saturation that would occur if all surpluses were traded.