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The document details a 2014 expert meeting hosted by the International Institute for Sustainable Development (IISD) to rethink international investment dispute settlement. Experts argued that the current status quo is unsatisfactory and proposed moving away from a focus solely on investor rights and state obligations. They emphasized the need for inclusive mechanisms that allow individuals, local communities, and other affected stakeholders to seek remedies for issues such as human rights abuses and environmental damage. The report outlines four proposed models: a 'toolbox' of ad hoc mechanisms, a dedicated International Investment Mediation Service (IIMS), a multilayered procedure involving mandatory fact-finding and a choice between judicial or arbitral paths, and a comprehensive treaty-based institution with judicial, investigative, and mediation functions.

The document describes the OECD's framework for the safety of manufactured nanomaterials, centered on the Working Party on Manufactured Nanomaterials (WPMN). It details four steering groups focusing on testing, risk assessment, exposure measurement, and sustainable use. Key mechanisms discussed include the Mutual Acceptance of Data (MAD) and Good Laboratory Practice (GLP) to harmonize international chemical safety standards.

The Lima COP 20 summit focused on defining the instructions for a legally binding global agreement to be finalized in Paris in December 2015. Key achievements included the agreement that Intended Nationally Determined Contributions (INDC) be presented by October 2015 and the shift away from the Kyoto Protocol's industrialisation-based differentiation, with major emitters like the USA and China showing willingness to reduce emissions. The summit also saw new contributions to the Green Climate Fund, which reached US$10.2m, and progress on the REDD+ mechanism and gender-responsive climate policies. However, issues regarding the International Mechanism for Loss and Damage, market mechanisms, and the Technology Mechanism remained unresolved.

The document argues that removing fossil-fuel subsidies is a critical lever for reducing global greenhouse gas emissions and unlocking low-carbon energy pathways. It highlights that global emissions could decrease by 6% to 13% by 2050 through the phase-out of consumer subsidies, though these figures are likely underestimates as they exclude producer subsidies. The paper outlines how countries can incorporate FFSR into their INDCs, Nationally Appropriate Mitigation Actions (NAMAs), and the 2015 UNFCCC agreement. It emphasizes that to maximize emission reductions, subsidy removal must be coupled with binding emission caps in OECD countries to prevent 'carbon leakage' and simultaneous government investment in low-carbon energy and transport infrastructure to enable fuel switching.

The report documents the rapid growth of voluntary sustainability standards (VSS) in agriculture and forestry between 2008 and 2014. It highlights that all surveyed standards experienced growth in compliant areas, with the Roundtable on Sustainable Palm Oil showing the most significant expansion. The document provides detailed statistics for commodities including bananas, cocoa, coffee, cotton, palm oil, soybeans, sugarcane, tea, and forestry, while identifying critical data gaps in multiple certification, pricing, and consumption patterns that hinder policy planning.

The document examines the strategic realignment in the Eastern Mediterranean involving the Republic of Cyprus (RoC), Israel, and Turkey. It argues that while the RoC, Israel, and Greece have formed a new security bloc to balance Turkey's naval ambitions, a structural need to contain Iranian influence is driving a rapprochement between Israel and Turkey. This shift is further incentivized by commercial imperatives, as the discovery of Egypt's Zohr gas field makes Turkey a more viable export market for Israeli natural gas. The author contends that these twin dynamics—the Turkey-Israel rapprochement and the RoC-Israel-Greece security formation—provide a new balance of incentives and guarantees that could facilitate a resolution to the Cyprus conflict.

The policy brief examines the 'special partnership' between Russia and Turkey, noting that while they disagree on the Syrian civil war, they share autocratic political instincts and a mutual desire to curtail US interventionism. The author argues that Russia can boost its Middle Eastern role through joint initiatives with Turkey, leveraging the personal chemistry between Vladimir Putin and Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. While energy ties—specifically natural gas pipelines and the Akkuyu nuclear power plant—provide a foundation, the document suggests that the leaders' shared 'contrarian' tendencies and need for foreign policy victories are primary drivers for potential cooperation in Northern Syria and the South Caucasus.

The paper analyzes the evolution of the 'Women, Peace and Security' (WPS) framework, centered on UN Security Council Resolution 1325. While the author notes rapid normative spread and broad political acceptance among member states and regional organizations, she highlights a significant failure to translate these norms into practice. This is evidenced by low female representation in UN peace operations and political missions, insufficient funding, and a lack of accountability at leadership levels. The author argues that while shifting global power dynamics and opposition from states like Russia and China pose risks, the continued pressure from transnational women's networks remains the primary driver for future progress.

The document analyzes Russia's extensive but fragmented system of development institutions, noting a lack of common strategy and a heavy reliance on government funding over private investment. It identifies the Vnesheconombank (VEB) as the primary institution, though it often duplicates the roles of others like the Russian Agricultural Bank and Rusnano. The author argues that the BRICS New Development Bank (NDB) could complement this system by investing in infrastructure projects, such as the Power of Siberia gas pipeline, and providing consultancy on public-private partnerships and foreign investment legal structures.

The document analyzes the emergence of the BRICS grouping as a non-hegemonic alternative to Western-dominated financial institutions, focusing on the creation of the New Development Bank (NDB) to address infrastructure deficits in the developing world. It details South Africa's strategic use of the NDB and its own development finance institutions, such as the Development Bank of Southern Africa (DBSA) and the Industrial Development Corporation (IDC), to promote regional integration and economic growth within the SADC region and across the African continent.

The document analyzes the conflict between the principle of differential treatment (CBDRRC) used in climate law and the principle of equal treatment central to international aviation law. It argues that a 'contextual treatment' approach—which differentiates based on changing national circumstances and implementation assistance—is more viable for regulating aviation emissions than the rigid binary divisions of the Kyoto Protocol. The brief notes a shift toward this approach within the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) and the European Union (EU), suggesting that such flexibility is key to establishing a global market-based emissions reduction mechanism.

The evaluation finds that Joint Implementation (JI) likely increased global GHG emissions by approximately 600 million tCO2e because many projects lacked additionality and were hosted by countries with significant allowance surpluses. The report highlights systemic failures in auditing, particularly under Track 1, and notes that 80% of issued ERUs came from project types with low or questionable environmental integrity. It recommends international oversight, standardized methodologies, and the prohibition of retroactive crediting for future mechanisms.

The document examines the role of northern Europe, particularly Sweden, in the global production of iron ore and copper. It analyzes how global demand, dominated by China, creates 'boom and bust' cycles that impact local economies and environments. Using Chile as a comparative case, it highlights how resource scarcity and social resistance can limit production, while China's market dominance creates geopolitical dependencies for exporting nations. For northern Europe, the brief suggests that stable regulatory frameworks and assured ancillary resources may attract investment, though stakeholders must remain wary of the social and political implications of foreign mining companies.

The International Institute for Sustainable Development (IISD) argues that while the Arctic possesses vast renewable energy reserves and successful technology tests, adoption remains slow. To accelerate this transition, the IISD proposes clear long-term targets, the phase-out of fossil fuel subsidies—specifically subsidized diesel—and the establishment of public-private partnerships funded by environmental taxes.

The briefing examines the use of Upstream Emission Reductions (UERs) to meet the Fuel Quality Directive's (FQD) target of reducing transport fuel greenhouse gas intensity by 6% by 2020. It warns that the current implementing measure lacks additionality requirements and oversight, creating a high risk of double counting across EU Member States, between the EU and third countries, and between the FQD and the EU ETS. The author highlights that projects from the Alberta Offset System, including road construction for tar sands mining, could potentially qualify. To ensure environmental integrity and reduce administrative burdens, the document recommends that Member States restrict UERs to CDM projects in Least Developed Countries, noting that a single project in Angola could potentially meet the entire estimated 0.8% gap in the FQD target.

The document asserts that 90 entities, including 50 investor-owned companies, are responsible for 63% of industrial CO2 and methane emissions since 1751. It argues that these companies ignored scientific warnings as early as 1988 and actively worked to discredit climate science. The author calls for these producers to stop disinformation, disclose financial risks, support the 2°C warming target, and pay for climate-related damages.

Carbon Market Watch asserts that international carbon markets require high ambition and demand to function effectively. Drawing on the Kyoto Protocol experience where weak targets in Russia and Ukraine created 'hot air' credits that undermined emissions trading, the author advocates for eligibility criteria based on stringent targets and the principle of supplementarity, where market units only supplement domestic ambition.

The Global Innovation Lab for Climate Finance conducted a Phase 2 analysis of seven climate finance instruments based on four criteria: actionability, innovativeness, catalytic potential, and transformative impact. Following this assessment, four instruments—the Agricultural Supply Chain Adaptation Facility, Climate Development & Finance Facility, Energy Savings Insurance, and Long-term Currency Swap—were selected to move into Phase 3 for detailed financial modeling and implementation planning. The report details the goals and analytical findings for all seven instruments, including those focused on renewable energy, energy efficiency, and agricultural resilience, while highlighting the need for public sector support and donor capital to mitigate risks and catalyze private investment.

The 2014 G-20 Summit, hosted by Australia, focuses on 'growth and resilience' to address a 'fragile, sluggish global economy'. A key objective is the 'Brisbane Action Plan', aiming to boost G-20 GDP by at least 2 per cent above projections over five years, potentially adding over $2 trillion to global GDP. The G-20's broader agenda includes financial regulation, international tax reform, and energy market resilience. For South Africa, the summit is critical as it seeks to align global growth outcomes with its National Development Plan's goal of over 5 per cent GDP growth, while advocating for inclusive and sustainable growth across Africa.

The document analyzes the evolution of China–Zimbabwe relations from the 1960s liberation struggle to 2014. It argues that the relationship is driven by a unique 'two-way momentum' resulting from Zimbabwe's 'Look East' policy and China's FOCAC-led engagement, particularly as Zimbabwe faced Western sanctions. The author highlights a balanced development across political, economic, and military pillars, though notes that the relationship often serves as a political tool for the ZANU-PF government. Key economic findings include a surge in Chinese FDI and trade, with Zimbabwe becoming a top recipient of Chinese investment in 2013. The paper concludes that while the relationship is currently based on crisis-response pragmatism, it has the potential to pioneer a more comprehensive strategic partnership for China–Africa relations if both nations develop formal national strategies.