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The document warns that including land use in climate targets can lead to 'cheating the climate' by allowing countries to replace necessary fossil fuel reductions with unreliable and non-permanent carbon offsets. It highlights specific risks in the US, EU, and Russia, where poor accounting rules or high uncertainty regarding LULUCF emissions could dilute overall mitigation efforts. The author advocates for treating carbon sequestration in forestry and agriculture as a complementary contribution to climate action, rather than a direct substitute for emissions cuts in other sectors.

The report identifies 18 subsidies to coal extraction in China for the 2013–2015 period, quantifying 11 of them. For 2013, quantifiable subsidies (excluding credit support) totaled CNY 35.7 billion (USD 5.8 billion). The most significant quantified measures include temporary tax and fee relief from provincial and local governments (USD 1.65 billion), state budget investment in fixed assets (USD 1.27 billion), and compensations for mine shutdowns under phase-out plans (USD 1.03 billion). Credit support is identified as a potentially massive but uncertain subsidy, estimated between CNY 3.5 billion and 35.7 billion annually depending on the scenario. The report argues that these subsidies, particularly those driving long-term investment, lock in coal use and act as barriers to renewable energy deployment.

This collection of papers analyzes regional integration efforts in three key areas: South America, Southern Africa, and Russia. It argues that while traditional trade-led integration has often stalled, new drivers such as regional value chains (RVCs), energy pooling, and strategic investment shifts offer paths toward deeper cooperation. In South America, the report finds a lack of a clear 'hub country' and significant infrastructure gaps hindering RVCs. In Southern Africa, it highlights the potential of the Southern Africa Power Pool (SAPP) and the dual role of South Africa as both a catalyst and a diverter of regional investment. In Russia, the analysis focuses on a strategic 'turn to the East,' shifting investment focus from Europe toward the Asia-Pacific region and the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU).

This report by the Climate Policy Initiative analyzes the scale and distribution of Chinese finance for overseas coal power projects, highlighting China's role as a major provider of finance and the potential impact of its 2015 commitment to control public investment in high-carbon overseas projects.

The report estimates that China provided USD 21-38 billion to overseas coal power projects between 2005 and 2014, with a further USD 35-72 billion planned. This financing is primarily debt used to support Chinese equipment exports and construction contracts, driven by domestic overcapacity and strategic political goals. The report analyzes China's September 2015 commitment to control public investment in high-carbon projects, estimating that up to USD 18 billion in planned investment could be discontinued, though it warns that other international lenders or export credit agencies might fill the void.

The Coal Atlas 2015 examines the systemic damage caused by coal extraction and combustion, highlighting its role as a primary driver of global CO2 emissions and its associated health and human rights violations. It analyzes the economic instability of the 'carbon bubble' and the failure of technologies like carbon capture and storage, while documenting the rise of renewable energy and grassroots protests against the coal industry across various nations, including China, India, the US, Russia, and Germany.

The report evaluates the market share of certified sustainable commodities and the volume of deforestation-free commitments from companies, financial institutions, and governments. It finds that while palm oil certification has increased, soy and paper have remained stagnant, and beef lacks a global certification standard. Corporate pledges have risen rapidly since 2009, but financial institutions and exporting jurisdictions show significantly lower levels of commitment and policy implementation.

The document analyzes the strategic and economic relationship between South Africa and India, noting a significant increase in bilateral trade from US$2.5 billion in 2003/04 to US$13.18 billion in 2012/13. While relations are positive, the authors identify bottlenecks such as inadequate infrastructure, visa difficulties, and a lack of self-sustainable South African business structures. It highlights the role of platforms like the India-South Africa CEO Forum and the Focus Africa Programme, while arguing that civil society should be more actively engaged to ensure sustainable development and transparency in economic diplomacy.

The report details a workshop in Pajala, Sweden, where local stakeholders and researchers co-created four future narratives for the region based on global Shared Socioeconomic Pathways (SSPs). Participants identified climate change, national-local power relations, and international security as primary drivers of change. The resulting narratives explore a range of futures, from a sustainable 'Green Road' focused on circular economies and bio-production to a 'Rocky Road' characterized by resurgent nationalism and state withdrawal from municipal welfare. The study emphasizes the interconnection between local Arctic conditions—such as mining and reindeer herding—and global trends in migration, resource demand, and climate change.

The study finds that U.S. imports of illegal wood declined by 32% to 44% since the 2008 Lacey Act amendments, with China accounting for two-thirds of this reduction. While the law contributed to this decline, it has not eliminated illegal imports, which were estimated at $2.8 billion in 2013. The report highlights that the reduction was driven more by U.S. buyers avoiding high-risk products and countries rather than discriminating between legal and illegal wood within the same product category.

The UN Sustainable Development Summit served to formally adopt the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and affirm global commitment to its implementation. The analysis highlights the success of the Open Working Group's (OWG) inclusive negotiation process, specifically the 'troika' method, in building universal ownership of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). While governments announced significant financial and environmental commitments—such as China's US$2 billion South-South cooperation fund and Panama's reforestation pledge—the document identifies critical gaps in the framework, specifically the need for finalized indicators, disaggregated data, and a detailed follow-up and review mechanism. Furthermore, the analysis emphasizes that the success of the SDGs is intrinsically linked to the outcomes of the Paris Climate Change Conference, noting that failure to meet climate objectives would jeopardize all SDGs.

The statement celebrates Uruguay's withdrawal from the Trade in Services Agreement (TISA) following a mass mobilization campaign led by unions and social movements. It characterizes TISA as a secret agreement designed to force market openness for transnational corporations, privatize public services, and dismantle state regulatory capacities, specifically targeting sectors like energy and environmental services. The author highlights that the victory in Uruguay was achieved through the use of leaked documents and a broad coalition of civil society, and calls on the other 51 participating countries to similarly abandon the negotiations.

The author contends that the Russian leadership's 'imperial rationality' and aggression in Ukraine have invalidated previous EU hopes that economic cooperation would foster Russian democratization. The text highlights a lack of unity among EU member states, where some maintain ties with Russian energy entities while others impose restrictions. It argues that energy security requires moving beyond simple route diversification toward systemic energy efficiency and renewable energy to reduce financial, technological, and fuel dependencies, including those in the nuclear sector.

The Arctic is warming at almost twice the global average rate, a phenomenon known as Arctic amplification. While long-term climate stability requires reducing carbon dioxide, the author argues that targeting short-lived climate pollutants (SLCPs) like black carbon (BC) and methane can provide immediate mitigation benefits. The paper specifically focuses on the shipping and oil and gas sectors, which are expected to grow as sea ice retreats. It recommends a ban on heavy fuel oil (HFO) for shipping to reduce BC and marine risks, and the creation of a best-practices dialogue via the Arctic Economic Council to limit methane releases and flaring in oil production. The author emphasizes that coordinated infrastructure planning is essential to make these cleaner practices viable in the harsh Arctic environment.

The report contends that the UK's Trident nuclear weapons system poses an unacceptable risk to human civilisation, arguing that its use would be 'both genocidal and suicidal'. It highlights that a single Trident submarine carries enough firepower to cause over 10 million civilian casualties and trigger a 'nuclear winter' that could threaten 2 billion people with starvation. The authors argue that the probability of unintentional use is 'not negligible' and that the system's cost—estimated up to £100bn over its lifetime—diverts essential funds from health, welfare, and climate change mitigation. The document concludes that the UK should cancel Trident replacement, remove weapons from continuous patrol, and support an international treaty to ban nuclear weapons.

The paper analyzes the Islamic State's (IS) organizational approach to integrating foreign fighters and local recruits in Iraq and Syria. It argues that while foreign fighters provide essential manpower and ideological zeal for IS's territorial ambitions, they introduce risks of adverse selection (incompetence or infiltration). IS mitigates these risks through segregated training, vetting via extreme acts, and deploying foreign fighters in high-risk roles like suicide missions. Conversely, local recruits present a moral hazard of latent opportunism and personal vendettas. The authors conclude that IS effectively manages these diverse groups by aligning them under the overarching goal of establishing a Caliphate, though internal tensions can emerge during military setbacks.

The study finds that approximately 75% of Joint Implementation (JI) offsets likely did not represent additional emission reductions, potentially increasing global GHG emissions by 600 million tonnes of CO2 equivalent. The analysis highlights systemic failures in additionality testing, the prevalence of retroactive crediting, and the lack of international oversight in Track 1 projects, particularly in countries with significant Assigned Amount Unit (AAU) surpluses like Russia and Ukraine.

Japan has committed to reducing emissions 26 percent below 2013 levels by 2030, a target the World Resources Institute describes as one of the least aggressive among developed nations. While Japan has a long-term goal of an 80 percent reduction below 1990 levels by 2050, the 2030 target is inconsistent with this path and relies on fossil fuels for 56 percent of its energy supply. The document notes that Japan could achieve higher reductions through renewable energy and efficiency, and highlights risks associated with the use of international carbon credits and the continued investment in coal-fired power plants.

The research paper argues that South Africa lacks a concrete strategy for the BRICS process, which is currently viewed as too bureaucratic and of limited use to South African business. It examines the limitations of the Contingency Reserve Arrangement in preventing currency runs and the uncertainties surrounding the New Development Bank's Africa Regional Centre in Johannesburg.

The paper evaluates whether intensity standards for energy-intensive and trade-exposed (EITE) industries are an efficient alternative to uniform carbon taxes in the US. Using a computable general equilibrium (CGE) model, the authors find that while lax standards may slightly reduce leakage, stringent standards can actually increase carbon leakage and lead to substantial welfare losses compared to economy-wide emission pricing. The study concludes that intensity standards are primarily driven by political economy considerations rather than economic efficiency.