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The Green Central Banking Scorecard evaluates G20 monetary and prudential authorities across four categories: Research and Advocacy, Monetary Policy, Financial Policy, and Leading by Example. The findings reveal a significant gap between rhetoric and action, with most institutions scoring high in research but failing to implement high-impact policies that restrict financial flows to fossil fuels. China, Brazil, and France are the top-ranked countries, though no G20 institution has implemented a 'high impact' policy as defined by the report's criteria.

Ghana is pursuing a nuclear power programme to address chronic electricity shortages and support industrialisation, aiming for a plant by 2030. While the country has made significant progress in establishing a regulatory framework and converting its research reactor from highly enriched uranium to low enriched uranium, it still faces challenges in funding, stakeholder involvement, and the completion of a national strategy. The report also highlights Ghana's extensive use of nuclear technology in medicine, agriculture, and research.

The report analyzes the varying stages of nuclear energy development in Egypt, Ghana, and South Africa. Egypt is currently constructing a nuclear power plant with Russian assistance, though it faces criticism for a lack of transparency. Ghana is in the early infrastructure-building phase, following the IAEA Milestones Approach. South Africa possesses the continent's only operational plant, Koeberg, but struggles with ageing infrastructure and the financial legacy of previous failed expansion plans. The document emphasizes the importance of robust governance, international non-proliferation commitments, and civil society engagement to ensure the safe and sustainable use of nuclear energy in Africa.

The report argues that most non-light-water reactors (NLWRs) do not provide significant enough improvements over light-water reactors (LWRs) to justify their associated safety, security, and proliferation risks. It specifically evaluates sodium-cooled fast reactors (SFRs), high-temperature gas-cooled reactors (HTGRs), and molten salt reactors (MSRs), finding that claims regarding 'burning' nuclear waste are oversimplified and that the timelines for commercialization are often unrealistic. The author recommends that the US Department of Energy (DOE) prioritize improving existing LWR technology over pursuing immature NLWR designs.

The Council on Strategic Risks proposes a tailored, nuclear-only successor to the INF Treaty to address the destabilizing trend of intermediate-range nuclear forces. The authors argue for an initial bilateral agreement between the United States and Russia to ban nuclear-armed ground-launched cruise missiles (500 to 5,500 km), which could later expand to include other nations and ballistic missiles. This approach aims to reduce the risk of unintentional escalation and miscalculation, particularly in Europe and East Asia, while avoiding the complexities of banning conventional systems. The proposal emphasizes the feasibility of modern verification technologies and suggests a phased approach, starting with a moratorium on conventional ground-launched intermediate-range missiles in Europe and potential unilateral political declarations if a formal treaty is not immediately feasible.

The briefing examines the limitations of the current WMD paradigm, which focuses primarily on chemical, biological, radiological, and nuclear (CBRN) weapons. By comparing the treatment of fentanyls and novichoks, the author illustrates how narrow definitions of WMD can lead to a misalignment of policy priorities, where a highly lethal but non-WMD designated substance like fentanyl causes more domestic death and economic damage than designated WMDs used in targeted assassinations. The author advocates for a shift toward a 'mass effects' framing to encompass systemic risks like climate change and pandemics, as well as emerging technologies like drone swarms.

The report examines the intersection of climate change, energy policy, and security in Southeast Asia. It identifies key vulnerabilities, including sea level rise threatening megacities and the Mekong Delta, and extreme heat reducing economic productivity. These stressors are analyzed as 'threat multipliers' that exacerbate existing geopolitical tensions in the South China Sea, fuel violent extremism through livelihood degradation, and complicate transboundary water management of the Mekong River. The document also highlights the 'energy-climate security nexus,' arguing that the region's continued reliance on coal and the pursuit of civilian nuclear power—often involving long-term partnerships with China and Russia—create new strategic risks. It concludes with a call for 'Climate Security Watch Centers,' carbon drawdown plans for ASEAN states, and a systemic shift toward renewable energy to ensure regional stability.

The report identifies a $1 trillion stranded asset risk associated with 212,000 km of planned oil and gas pipeline expansions. It highlights that gas dominates new developments, with 82.7% of pipelines in development carrying gas. The U.S. and China are leading in capacity and length growth, respectively. The document argues that this expansion is incompatible with net-zero commitments and will lock in significant CO2 emissions, while noting a trend of increasing social and legal opposition to such projects.

The policy brief examines the 2021 UN Security Council agreement to keep the Bab al-Hawa border crossing open for humanitarian aid to Syria. It argues that Russia's support for the resolution, despite its preference for aid to flow through Damascus, was driven by a need to prevent the economic collapse of the al-Assad regime. The author highlights the role of a bilateral US-Russia deal and the diplomatic efforts of Ireland and Norway in securing the compromise. The brief also notes that while external stakeholders find the current fragile state of Syria acceptable, the lack of funding for reconstruction and regional instabilities—including COVID-19 and shifts in Iranian and US engagement—threaten long-term stability.

The report details South Africa's transition from a secret nuclear weapons programme to a global advocate for nuclear disarmament and peaceful nuclear use. It analyzes the current nuclear governance framework, the state of aging facilities like the Koeberg Nuclear Power Plant, and the political and financial turmoil surrounding nuclear expansion plans, particularly during the Zuma presidency. The document highlights systemic challenges including state capture, dwindling expertise, and fragmented governance, while outlining the Ramaphosa administration's more cautious approach to adding 2,500MW of nuclear capacity.

The submission argues that the proposed legislation should be based on Article 192 TFEU for environmental protection and calls for a comprehensive framework including mandatory measurement, reporting and verification (MRV), rigorous leak detection and repair (LDAR), and a ban on routine venting and flaring (BRVF). It emphasizes the need for granular data, the inclusion of abandoned wells and mines, and the establishment of methane intensity standards, such as a 0.2% limit for the upstream oil and gas industry by 2025, to drive innovation and align with EU climate targets.

The document argues for a stronger legal basis under Article 192 TFEU and proposes rigorous standards for measurement, reporting, and verification (MRV), leak detection and repair (LDAR), and a ban on routine venting and flaring (BRVF). It specifically highlights the need for granular data, the inclusion of abandoned wells and mines, and the implementation of methane intensity limits to drive innovation and align with EU climate targets.

The author contends that the Biden administration's review of U.S. nuclear programs should focus on eliminating new capabilities—specifically the LRSO, low-yield warheads for submarine-launched ballistic missiles, and sea-launched cruise missiles—rather than just extending the New START treaty. The text argues that these new weapons increase the risk of decapitation strikes, undermine the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), and promote a dangerous 'usable' nuclear mindset. The author suggests that targeting these specific programs is more strategically sound and politically feasible for a president than attempting to cut land-based strategic deterrent programs, which face stronger congressional opposition.

The report argues that climate change is a national security issue for Canada, affecting its Arctic sovereignty, domestic disaster resilience, and international stability. It recommends establishing a Climate Security Task Force to coordinate a cross-agency response, adapting military infrastructure to sea-level rise and permafrost thaw, and leveraging multilateral institutions to manage global climate-driven fragility.

The report highlights that 600 million Africans lack electricity, with sub-Saharan Africa being the most affected. It argues that while legacy megaprojects like the Inga 3 dam and Stiegler's Gorge are financially and environmentally risky, decentralized renewable energy (DREs) and public-private partnerships offer more sustainable paths to electrification. The text also examines the geopolitical influence of Russia's nuclear diplomacy and China's investment in coal-fired plants, while noting the severe health impacts of biomass reliance among the rural poor.

The policy brief examines the regional dynamics surrounding Afghanistan, arguing that the country often serves as an arena where neighbors project their own existential security concerns and rivalries. It highlights the risks associated with the US military withdrawal in 2021, noting that while global powers like Russia and China have interests in the region, there is a critical lack of a credible multilateral platform for neighbors to coordinate. The author analyzes specific tensions, including the Iran-Saudi rivalry in the Gulf, the lead taken by Uzbekistan in Central Asia, and the deep-seated India-Pakistan conflict in South Asia, concluding that any Afghan normalization not endorsed by both India and Pakistan will be unsustainable.

Egypt is constructing a nuclear power plant at Al Dabaa through a partnership with Russia's ROSATOM, a project framed as a 'mega-project' to boost national prestige and ensure long-term energy self-sufficiency. While the government argues the plant is necessary for a growing population, critics suggest it is an expensive and redundant luxury given Egypt's current energy surplus and investments in renewables. The project is characterized by top-down governance, significant Russian financing via a $25 billion loan, and domestic disputes over land expropriation and environmental risks.

The document argues that corruption in the forest sector leads to significant environmental degradation and financial loss, costing governments approximately US$29 billion annually. It recommends that companies implement robust anti-corruption compliance programs and engage in collective action initiatives to mitigate these risks. The brief highlights the role of international laws like the US Foreign Corrupt Practices Act and the UK Bribery Act in incentivizing corporate integrity, while noting that transparency alone is insufficient without strong monitoring and civil society oversight.

The annex evaluates the gap between the economic mitigation potential of forests and the quantitative targets set in NDCs for 32 high-potential countries. It identifies a global annual finance need for forest protection and restoration ranging from USD 45 billion to USD 460 billion, while noting that current 'green finance' flows are significantly lower than 'grey finance' flows directed toward sectors like agriculture.

The document explores how the climate crisis and energy transition are reshaping global power dynamics, particularly for the European Union. It argues that traditional geopolitics—focused on state rivalry and resource control—must be replaced by a model of 'ecological security' and 'steward statehood' rooted in human rights and social justice. Key analyses include the EU's 'open strategic autonomy,' the risks of corporate-led hydrogen projects, China's Belt and Road Initiative's energy dimensions, and the necessity of a global fossil fuel non-proliferation treaty. It emphasizes that the green transition must be a 'just transition' to avoid social backlash and that Europe should lead by example in decarbonization and multilateral cooperation.