Search Climate Insights Directory

The report identifies a pervasive 'elite–citizen gap' in confidence toward international organizations, where elites consistently express higher levels of trust than ordinary citizens. Based on survey data from Brazil, Germany, the Philippines, Russia, and the US, the study finds that this gap is most pronounced for sustainable development organizations like the UN and is often underestimated by elites. The authors argue that legitimacy is driven by both organizational performance and democratic procedure, and they recommend that the UN increase awareness of this gap, communicate more effectively on its performance and procedures, and strategically engage with young people to bolster global governance.

The document examines the failure of existing multilateral systems to address global-scale chronic risks, such as the climate crisis and the Covid-19 pandemic. It highlights the stark disparity in climate-related deaths and GDP losses between high-income and low-income groups, noting that the Global North bears significant historical responsibility for emissions while the Global South suffers the most severe consequences. The authors propose 'de minimis multilateralism'—focusing on common aversions—and the creation of a Global Resilience Reserve Fund and a Climate Risk Atlas for Developing Countries to enhance human security and financial resilience.

The document argues that while FTZs and SEZs are not the sole cause of illegal wildlife trade (IWT), their inherent characteristics—such as simplified customs, limited oversight, and legal opaqueness—act as facilitators for both IWT and corruption. Through case studies of the Golden Triangle SEZ (Laos), Suifenhe FTZ (China), and Las Palmas FTZ (Spain), the author demonstrates that corruption in these zones often mirrors national patterns but is amplified by the zones' complexity. Key drivers include social and cultural norms, such as the desire to 'lose face' or the acceptance of corruption as a business norm. The report also highlights the risk of 'displacement,' where strict regulations in one country push illicit activities to less regulated jurisdictions. It concludes with recommendations for governments and multilateral organizations to implement clearer oversight, regional coordination, and certification schemes to mitigate these risks.

Reclaim Finance criticizes RWE for maintaining a coal phase-out target of 2038, which it claims is eight years behind scientific recommendations. The organization highlights RWE's role as one of Europe's largest CO2 emitters, its reliance on fossil gas as a bridge fuel, and its efforts to obtain €2.6 billion in compensation from the German government. It specifically calls on major shareholders, including Crédit Agricole/Amundi, Société Générale, and BNP Paribas, to use the upcoming AGM to sanction the company's lack of a coherent transition strategy.

Reclaim Finance critiques Mark Carney's claims that financing for carbon-intensive industries is necessary and consistent with a 1.5°C transition. The organization argues that GFANZ acts as a 'greenwashing operation' due to its lack of enforcement and transparency, and asserts that new fossil fuel infrastructure is neither a viable solution to the energy crisis caused by Russia's invasion of Ukraine nor compatible with IEA pathways. It calls for a managed decline of fossil fuel production and the adoption of strict enforcement mechanisms for financial institutions committing to net zero.

The report concludes that the Energy Charter Treaty (ECT) is incompatible with EU law because it allows international tribunals to interpret EU law and undermines the regulatory autonomy of EU institutions. While the European Court of Justice (ECJ) has already ruled that intra-EU arbitration under the ECT is illegal (Komstroy), the report argues that extra-EU arbitration also poses significant risks. It highlights that the ECT lacks the procedural and substantive safeguards found in modern agreements like CETA. The authors suggest that the most effective remedy is a combination of withdrawal from the ECT, inter-se modification to eliminate the sunset clause between withdrawing parties, and interpretative declarations to prevent investors from circumventing these measures by relocating their seats outside the EU.

The author contends that Vladimir Putin's 'neoimperializëm reaksionar' threatens the sovereignty of small and medium-sized European nations. To counter this, the text advocates for a unified Europe that ends its 'varësisë së saj nga karburantet fosile', strengthens democratic rule of law, and provides a collective alternative to authoritarianism.

The Arctic is warming up to four times faster than the global average, leading to rapid sea ice loss and permafrost melt. These changes disrupt global weather patterns and increase risks from commercial shipping, resource extraction, and pollution. While the Arctic Council provides a framework for cooperation and the Stockholm Convention has successfully reduced persistent organic pollutants, current governance is hindered by weak legal structures and geopolitical tensions, specifically following Russia's invasion of Ukraine. The document advocates for stronger greenhouse gas mitigation and the potential establishment of an Arctic sanctuary.

The report argues that Russia's war on Ukraine has created a supply-side shock that aligns energy security, climate goals, and economics, potentially leading to a prompt and sustained decline in global fossil fuel demand. It suggests that high fossil fuel prices make renewables more competitive and encourages both Europe and the Global South to accelerate the shift toward domestic renewable energy and efficiency to ensure energy security.

The briefing highlights that global greenhouse gas emissions continue to rise, making the Paris Agreement targets of 1.5°C and 2°C increasingly difficult to achieve without significant 'overshoot'. It notes a critical gap in climate finance, where current levels are roughly ten times lower than the estimated USD 6.3 trillion needed annually by 2030. While net-zero commitments and renewable energy deployment have grown substantially, the document warns against an over-reliance on carbon dioxide removal (CDR) and emphasizes the need for rapid transformations in energy, agriculture, and urban planning.

Climate researcher Julia Steinberger asserts that the latest IPCC report confirms that tackling fossil fuel production is essential to limiting global warming to 1.5C. She argues that current international frameworks, including the Paris Agreement, are insufficient because they do not explicitly address the production of coal, oil, and gas. To remedy this, she advocates for a Fossil Fuel Non-Proliferation Treaty, a binding global agreement designed to coordinate an equitable phase-out of fossil fuels. The author also links the dependence on fossil fuels to the conflict in Ukraine, suggesting that a transition to renewable energy is necessary for both climate stability and global peace.

The report reviews 42 NDCs to identify national priorities for advanced low-emission technologies. It finds that 14 jurisdictions include carbon capture, utilization and storage (CCUS), 16 include low-carbon hydrogen and ammonia, and 11 prioritize nuclear energy. The analysis highlights a mix of developed and developing nations seeking these technologies, with some relying on international financial and technological support for implementation.

The report evaluates the impact of expanding the EU Emissions Trading System (EU ETS) to cover more European aviation flights compared to the European Commission's (EC) proposal, which retains the EU ETS for intra-EEA flights and uses CORSIA for flights between the EEA and other participating states. Using the AERO-MS model, the study finds that expanding the EU ETS to include all outgoing flights (Scenario 1) or all outgoing and incoming flights (Scenario 2) would significantly increase emission reductions and auctioning revenues, though at a higher cost to airlines. Specifically, Scenario 2 would result in a 113% higher emission reduction than the EC proposal. The report also highlights uncertainties in CORSIA's effectiveness, noting that changes in the baseline or non-participation of major aviation countries could reduce its emission reductions by up to 77%.

The report analyzes the EU's proposed CBAM, which will impose fees on carbon-intensive imports starting in 2026. It finds that the overall impact on China's exports will be moderate due to the limited number of covered sectors, primarily aluminum, iron, and steel. The authors recommend that China expand its national emissions trading system (CN ETS) to reduce exposure to fees and enhance competitiveness. For the EU, the report suggests dedicating CBAM revenues to technical assistance for developing countries and recognizing non-price-based decarbonization policies to reduce international tensions.

The Europe Gas Tracker Report 2022 finds that the EU possesses substantial overcapacity for gas imports via pipelines and LNG terminals, making proposed new projects unnecessary. It argues that expanding this capacity is incompatible with the European Climate Law's 2030 emissions targets and the IEA's Net Zero by 2050 scenario. The report highlights that the EU's energy crisis is driven by global market tightness and supply shortages rather than a lack of import infrastructure. Furthermore, it critiques 'carbon-neutral' LNG claims as misleading due to methane emissions across the supply chain and warns that new gas assets risk becoming stranded.

The Russian invasion of Ukraine has forced European states to prioritize energy security over climate goals, leading to a 'dash for LNG' that outbids developing nations and encourages a global return to coal. This shift undermines EU climate leadership and risks 'locking in' long-term fossil fuel infrastructure in Africa and Asia.

The document examines how Norway, as a small state, navigated a challenging geopolitical environment to maintain the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda in the UN Security Council. It highlights Norway's use of coalition-building, its presidency, and civil society engagement to secure WPS language in mandates and increase the number of women briefing the Council, despite resistance from permanent members like Russia and China.

The document argues that TotalEnergies' 2022 climate plan is incomplete and incompatible with a 1.5°C pathway, citing a lack of short-term absolute Scope 3 targets and continued investment in oil and gas expansion. It recommends that investors vote against the management-sponsored 'Say on Climate' resolution and oppose the reappointment of specific Directors to signal disapproval of the company's fossil fuel strategy. The briefing also highlights legal and reputational risks associated with the EACOP project in East Africa, greenwashing lawsuits, and the company's continued assets in Russia.

The document explores the complex, indirect link between climate change and violent conflict in Africa, emphasizing that while climate change is a 'risk multiplier', it does not cause conflict in a simple cause-and-effect manner. It highlights regional examples from North Africa, the Sahel, the Horn of Africa, and Southern Africa, noting that vulnerability is often tied to existing institutional weaknesses and social inequalities. The author calls for the Global North to fulfill climate finance commitments and for African states to prioritize evidence-based, community-informed adaptation measures that account for local conflict dynamics.

In 2021, wind and solar generated over 10% of global electricity for the first time, but record-high electricity demand led to a record rise in coal power and the largest absolute increase in power sector CO2 emissions ever recorded.