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Small modular reactors (SMRs) are emerging nuclear energy technologies producing 300 MW or less, offering a potential source of reliable, emission-free electricity for Canada's energy transition. While Canada possesses a strong nuclear industry and uranium reserves, SMRs are currently classified as a 'wild-card' technology due to high costs, regulatory hurdles, and a lack of commercial viability. Despite these challenges, several Canadian provinces and the federal government are investing in SMR development, with projects planned for Ontario, Saskatchewan, and New Brunswick.

The document outlines the benefits of a net-zero electricity transition in Canada, noting that the power sector has already reduced greenhouse gas emissions by 60% since 2005. It argues that a clean grid will lower household energy costs, create distributed employment, and improve public health by eliminating pollutants from coal and gas plants. The brief emphasizes that achieving net-zero by 2050 will require doubling or tripling electricity generation to support electrification across all sectors, necessitating coordination between federal, provincial, and territorial governments.

The report analyzes the digital information ecosystem during South Africa's May 2024 elections, identifying a complex market of paid and ideological influencers who used coordinated strategies to undermine electoral institutions and distort political narratives.

The Minsk process, led by France and Germany from 2014 to 2021, failed to resolve the Russia-Ukraine conflict and ended with Russia's full-scale invasion in February 2022. The author argues that the process was doomed by a fundamental gap in strategies: while Russia used the agreements to manipulate the West and prepare for war, and Ukraine struggled with politically impossible domestic demands, the mediators remained blind to these tensions, prioritizing a 'frozen' conflict to protect economic interests and demonstrate European diplomatic autonomy.

Ghana's December 2024 elections are occurring during a period of extreme economic distress and high political tension. The race is primarily between the NPP's Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia and the NDC's John Dramani Mahama. Public trust in the Electoral Commission and the judiciary is low, and the NDC has previously threatened to boycott the courts if the results are unfavourable. The country faces risks of election-related violence, particularly in the North, and the outcome is seen as a critical test for democratic resilience in West Africa.

Ember argues that the EU must accelerate the deployment of wind, solar, and clean flexibility solutions to achieve energy self-sufficiency and security. The response emphasizes the need for a "Smart Electrification" Action Plan, the complete cessation of Russian fossil fuel imports by 2027, and the modernization of grid infrastructure and cross-border interconnections, particularly in Central and Eastern Europe.

The CCPI 2025 reports that while 61 of 64 assessed countries increased their renewable energy share over five years, the top three ranks remain vacant as no country performs well enough to meet Paris Agreement goals. Denmark ranks 4th, while oil and gas producers like Iran, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Russia are the lowest performers. The G20, responsible for over 75% of global emissions, shows poor overall performance with only the UK and India ranking as high performers.

The New Development Bank (NDB) has expanded its mandate to support climate action and sustainable development but faces challenges including aligning financing with local currency and non-sovereign lending.

The document examines the resurgence of military coups in Africa since 2020 and the fragmented reactions of BRICS nations. It argues that while Russia engages in 'coup protection schemes' and China maintains a 'non-interventionist policy' to secure economic interests, India, Brazil, and South Africa have taken more muted or supportive stances toward constitutional order. This lack of unity suggests BRICS operates as a 'house of cards' with disaggregated interests, potentially limiting its ability to effectively challenge US and European influence in Africa.

The author analyzes 405 articles from The Economist published between January 2022 and July 2023, concluding that the publication's reporting aligns with a 'NATO Narrative' that portrays Russia as the sole aggressor. The analysis finds a heavy reliance on Western official sources and a systematic omission of 'Dissident Discourse' regarding NATO's eastward expansion and U.S. involvement in Ukraine. The document further argues that The Economist functions as part of the Anglo-American ruling elite, historically advocating for military intervention and 'war journalism' over 'peace journalism'.

The report finds that 10 major international oil companies (IOCs) are responsible for 7% of global gas flaring on an equity-weighted basis, with a significant portion occurring at non-operated assets. In 2023, total global upstream flaring was 145 billion cubic meters (bcm), with an average intensity of 5.0 m³/bbl. The analysis highlights a gap between corporate commitments to the World Bank's Zero Routine Flaring (ZRF) initiative and actual performance, noting that non-routine flaring remains largely unabated and that no analyzed company meets the IEA's Net Zero Emissions scenario target of 0.3 m³/bbl by 2030. The report argues that IOCs have a broader influence on up to 40% of global flaring through their partnerships with national oil companies (NOCs) and recommends extending emissions targets to non-operated assets and implementing stricter regulatory and financial levers.

Non-CO2 emissions account for approximately 25% of global greenhouse gas emissions, yet they are frequently overlooked in NDCs, which often lack gas-specific quantitative targets. While some countries like Côte d’Ivoire and Japan provide good practice examples of quantitative targets, major emitters including China, Russia, India, and Brazil generally only include non-CO2 gases as part of overall GHG targets. China, whose current NDC covers only CO2 despite non-CO2 gases making up 18% of its national emissions, has indicated it will include these gases in its updated NDC. The brief argues that the 2025 NDC update cycle is a critical opportunity for major emitters, particularly China, to adopt sector-specific targets and align with international initiatives like the Global Methane Pledge and the Kigali Amendment to maintain the 1.5°C warming limit.

The author contends that hosting COP29 in Azerbaijan—a country with an authoritarian regime and a growing fossil fuel industry—threatens the summit's potential for real change. The text highlights Azerbaijan's lack of net-zero targets, its expansion of gas production, and its poor human rights record, including the detention of environmental activists. It also criticizes the European Union for increasing gas imports from Azerbaijan, which the author claims bolsters the regime's power. Finally, the document calls for the UN to reform the COP host selection process by introducing mandatory climate action and human rights requirements.

The document assesses the effectiveness of the EU ETS and CORSIA in addressing aviation emissions, finding that both schemes fail to cover non-CO2 effects and that CORSIA's reliance on low-quality offsets and a high baseline limits its climate impact. It recommends extending the EU ETS to all flights departing from the European Economic Area (EEA) by 2027.

The report finds a substantial divergence in ambition between the EU ETS and CORSIA. While the EU ETS is moving toward 100% auctioning of allowances by 2026 and high carbon prices, CORSIA relies on offsetting emissions above a baseline, resulting in significantly lower emissions coverage and a much weaker price signal. The EU may expand the EU ETS to extra-EEA flights by 2027 if CORSIA is deemed insufficient to meet climate goals.

The RES Tracker methodology describes the process of identifying national renewable energy targets for 2030, categorising them by source reliability, and addressing specific data challenges regarding solar capacity reporting and the climate impact of bioenergy.

The report highlights that G20 fossil fuel reserves contain over a trillion tons of CO2 equivalent, which would exceed the 2ºC carbon budget if fully extracted. It notes that emissions from G20 fossil fuel extraction nearly doubled between the 1992 Rio Summit and 2020. Despite this, the document argues that G20 economies have become less dependent on fossil fuel rents over the last three decades, making them better equipped to transition. It specifically identifies the USA, Canada, Australia, the UK, Germany, and Italy as being best placed to transition first and fastest.

The report finds that in the Caucasus and Central Asia (CCA) region, fossil fuel capacity under construction is more than three times that of wind and utility-scale solar. While non-fossil projects (including hydropower and nuclear) have a larger total pipeline, they suffer from long lead times and lower construction rates. Most CCA countries are failing to meet their renewable energy targets, with a 13 GW deficit in development across six countries. COP29 host Azerbaijan is highlighted for having a limited pipeline of renewables beyond 2027, calling into question its climate leadership.

The November 2024 update reveals a three-year stagnation in global warming projections, with current policies setting the world on a path toward 2.7°C of warming by 2100. While renewable energy and electric vehicle deployment have seen record growth, these gains are offset by all-time high fossil fuel subsidies and increased funding for fossil fuel projects. The report warns that without a substantial increase in the ambition of 2030 and 2035 targets, the 1.5°C limit will likely be breached in the early 2030s, leading to a multidecadal overshoot.

The report examines the intersection of climate-driven food insecurity and geopolitical instability, arguing that the weaponization of food trade and the reversal of global economic integration exacerbate the risks posed by climate change. It recommends a combination of enhancing domestic climate-resilient agriculture, pursuing plurilateral cooperation among small groups of countries, transitioning to plant-based diets, and integrating demographic shifts into food security planning.