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The document examines the gap in the Paris Agreement regarding fossil fuel supply and proposes mechanisms to address it. It suggests that countries could use Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) and Long-Term Strategies (LTSs) to articulate production phase-downs. The authors argue that such actions would provide clearer signals to financial markets, foster international norms, and support a just transition for affected workers. The paper identifies several entry points within the Paris Agreement, including the enhanced transparency framework, the global stocktake, and finance reform, while acknowledging that consensus-based decision-making in the UNFCCC may require a 'coalition of the willing' to lead by example.

The document analyzes how conservative religious lobbyists, primarily from the US and the Vatican, collaborate with various states to challenge international human rights language and gender equality policies at the UN. It details their shift from outside activists to influential insiders, their use of 'traditional family values' and 'national sovereignty' as secular arguments to bridge ideological divides, and the formation of formalized blocks like the Group of Friends of the Family (GoFF). The brief also highlights specific challenges to the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda, including the impact of the US 'global gag rule' and the Holy See's essentialist view of gender roles.

The document asserts that meeting the Paris Agreement's goals of keeping warming "well below 2°C" requires a phase-down of coal, oil, and natural gas production. It identifies six primary mechanisms within the UNFCCC framework to achieve this: incorporating supply-side targets in Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs), planning managed declines in long-term low greenhouse gas emission development strategies (LTSs), tracking extraction via the global stocktake, providing technical capacity-building support, redirecting finance away from fossil fuel infrastructure, and providing developed-country assistance to developing nations for economic transitions.

The report examines Qatar's strategic engagement in the Horn of Africa, driven by a desire for international significance and regional autonomy from Saudi Arabia and Iran. It highlights a highly centralised, personalised decision-making process led by the emir, which often bypasses formal diplomatic institutions. While Qatar has successfully mediated between Eritrea and Djibouti, its efforts in Darfur are characterised as a failure due to a lack of contextual understanding and political leverage. The document details Qatar's use of financial wealth, military alliances with the US and Turkey, and the Al Jazeera network as primary instruments of influence.

The paper finds that climate actions across examined INDCs align with 154 of the 169 SDG targets, demonstrating significant potential for mutual benefits between climate and development agendas. While global alignment is high, the authors note that few countries explicitly referenced SDGs in their INDCs, often due to separate institutional oversight between environment and development ministries. Case studies of Colombia and Uganda show high goal-level alignment, though target-level alignment varies based on national priorities. The document advocates for a 'whole-of-government' approach to maximize resources and avoid implementation silos.

The document examines the strategic realignment in the Eastern Mediterranean involving the Republic of Cyprus (RoC), Israel, and Turkey. It argues that while the RoC, Israel, and Greece have formed a new security bloc to balance Turkey's naval ambitions, a structural need to contain Iranian influence is driving a rapprochement between Israel and Turkey. This shift is further incentivized by commercial imperatives, as the discovery of Egypt's Zohr gas field makes Turkey a more viable export market for Israeli natural gas. The author contends that these twin dynamics—the Turkey-Israel rapprochement and the RoC-Israel-Greece security formation—provide a new balance of incentives and guarantees that could facilitate a resolution to the Cyprus conflict.

The report analyzes how the EU 28 can decrease its reliance on natural gas imports through cost-effective energy efficiency and renewable energy deployment across the buildings, industry, and energy supply sectors. It argues that these measures can reduce the share of natural gas in primary energy demand to 16% by 2030, significantly outperforming the European Commission's proposed 2030 framework.

The report argues that implementing cost-effective energy efficiency and renewable energy measures could halve the EU's net natural gas imports and reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 49% relative to 1990 levels by 2030. It identifies the buildings sector as having the highest potential for savings, followed by energy production and industry, while noting that domestic production, including shale gas, is unlikely to increase substantially.

The report analyzes fossil-fuel subsidies in the GCC, noting that low energy pricing serves a political social contract but leads to domestic over-consumption and fiscal pressure. Using IEA, IMF, and GSI data, it estimates total subsidies in 2011 at over US$105 billion, with Saudi Arabia as a primary driver. The document argues that underpricing fossil fuels creates a significant barrier to renewable energy by making conventional thermal power appear cheaper and distorting the market for investors.

Natural gas, primarily composed of methane, forms from the thermal breakdown of ancient organic matter under heat and pressure. Its storage depends on rock porosity and permeability, with deposits categorized as conventional or unconventional. In the United States, the Energy Information Administration estimated 2,203 trillion cubic feet of recoverable gas in 2009, though global reserves are significantly higher, with Russia holding the largest share.

The Living Planet Report 2014 highlights a critical decline in global vertebrate populations and an ecological overshoot where humanity requires 1.5 Earths to sustain its current consumption. It emphasizes the interdependence of food, water, and energy security with healthy ecosystems and proposes a 'One Planet Perspective' to align human development with planetary boundaries.

The document outlines the state of climate finance negotiations leading up to COP19, focusing on the mobilization of US$100 billion per year by 2020 and the operationalization of the Green Climate Fund. It details the work of the Standing Committee on Finance, the challenges facing the Adaptation Fund due to falling carbon prices, and the need for 'enabling environments' in both developed and developing countries to attract and deploy investment. The guide emphasizes that providing financial assurance to developing countries is critical for securing their commitment to a new global climate agreement in 2015.

The paper examines Russian interests in Barents Sea oil and gas, using the Shtokman field as a case study. It argues that turning hydrocarbon deposits into resources requires a supportive societal context, including technology, markets, and legal frameworks. The analysis highlights the tension between the Russian state's geopolitical goals and the commercial viability concerns of companies like Gazprom and foreign partners. Ultimately, the Shtokman project was postponed indefinitely due to high costs, falling European demand, and competition from North American shale gas.

The report evaluates the 'Doha Gateway' decisions from a human rights perspective, noting that while human rights are not explicitly mentioned in the Doha outcomes, they are referenced via the Cancun Agreements. The analysis covers mitigation ambition, loss and damage mechanisms, REDD+ safeguards, the Clean Development Mechanism's lack of appeals processes, public participation under Article 6, and the adoption of 'gender balance' over 'gender equality'.

The report assesses how carbon pricing affects the competitiveness and investment strategies of energy-intensive industries (EIIs). It finds that while carbon costs are a factor, they are often secondary to energy and raw material prices. The analysis highlights the risk of carbon leakage, where production shifts to regions with lower emissions costs, particularly as demand grows in Asia. The report emphasizes that current short-term policy horizons, such as the EU's 2020 targets, are insufficient for the 20- to 40-year investment cycles typical of these sectors, suggesting a need for longer-term regulatory certainty and support for breakthrough technologies like Carbon Capture and Storage (CCS).

The COP18 summit in Doha resulted in incremental progress, primarily the agreement of a second commitment period for the Kyoto Protocol (KP2) from 2013 to 2020. While the EU and several other nations committed to an average emission reduction of 18% below 1990 levels, major emitters including the US, China, Russia, Japan, Canada, and New Zealand did not approve or opposed the commitment. The summit failed to establish a concrete roadmap for the $100 billion annual climate finance target for 2020, though it introduced a new agreement to establish an international mechanism for "loss and damage" by COP19. The document highlights ongoing tensions regarding the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities (CBDR-RC) and the dispute over "hot air" carbon credits, particularly involving Poland and the EU.

The report analyzes the failure of early political inclusion in Afghanistan, the limited impact of amnesty programs, and the constraints on Norway's role as a peace facilitator due to its military commitments to NATO and the U.S.

The author contends that COP18 achieved modest but real progress, including the EU's acceptance of a second Kyoto Protocol commitment period and the continuation of the Durban Platform. The text posits that the period following the 'disastrous failure' of COP15 has been a transitional phase used to clarify political positions and move toward a more flexible system where emerging economies like China, India, and Brazil also commit to emission reductions. The author argues that 'political will' is insufficient for breakthroughs; instead, 'enabling conditions'—such as social stability and the mitigation of income inequality—are required for national leaders to build domestic support for bold international climate action.

The document evaluates COP 18 as a procedural success for securing a second Kyoto Protocol commitment period and advancing the Durban Platform, but as a failure regarding concrete progress on mitigation, financing, and the post-2020 agreement architecture.

The document provides updates on the political instability and foreign policy of Eritrea, including its relations with Ethiopia and Sudan, and reports on Kofi Annan's visit to Kenya to assess preparations for the March 2013 elections.