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The seminar, titled "Understanding Terrorism in Africa: Building Bridges and Overcoming Gaps," was held on 19-20 May 2007 at the University of Cairo. It aimed to address discrepancies in the definitions, roots, and strategies for combating terrorism, while analyzing the impacts of the "War on Terrorism" across different African regions. The event focused on creating an "African Voice" in global terrorism debates and strengthening the African Research Network on Terrorism and Counter Terrorism (ARNTACT). Future follow-up seminars were planned for Abuja, Nigeria, to focus on domestic terrorism and Nairobi, Kenya, to assess counter-terrorism strategies.

The report examines the remittance landscape for immigrants in Norway, comparing 42 services across 21 mechanisms, including banks, money transfer operators (MTOs), and informal hawala systems. It highlights a restrictive regulatory environment that often drives users toward illegal services, particularly for transfers to Somalia and Iraq. The analysis reveals that real costs are often hidden through exchange rate spreads, with typical costs for NOK 1,000 transfers ranging from 5% to 25%. While bank transfers can be cheaper for larger amounts, they are often slower and less predictable than MTOs. The report argues that improving financial literacy and regularizing informal services could enhance the development impact of remittances and improve immigrant integration.

The provided text is an addendum to a 2007 research paper by Nils Petter Gleditsch, Ragnhild Nordås, and Idean Salehyan. It does not contain original analysis or findings but instead lists the data sources and references used in the main paper. The authors specify that data on armed conflict and war were sourced from the Uppsala/PRIO conflict database and the PRIO battle deaths data. The extensive reference list covers literature on environmental security, climate-induced migration, water conflicts, and the relationship between resource scarcity and violent conflict, with particular mentions of studies in Sub-Saharan Africa, the Horn of Africa, West Africa, and India.

The report analyzes power-sharing as a tool to mitigate civil conflict by guaranteeing political roles to potential 'spoilers'. It argues that while power-sharing can promote peace when parties are evenly matched and conflict costs are high, it may increase conflict risks when groups are unevenly matched. The authors highlight significant trade-offs, noting that power-sharing prioritizes 'ex post fairness' over democratic 'ex ante uncertainty' and can lead to high transaction costs and agency losses, such as the selection of intransigent, group-based politicians.

The African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) is a central component of NEPAD designed to hold African leaders accountable for good governance and socio-economic development. However, the process is hindered by its voluntary nature, a lack of sanctioning power, and the absence of international institutions like the IMF and World Bank in its monitoring process. Political solidarity among leaders, funding shortages for the Secretariat, and country-specific implementation hurdles in nations such as Mauritius and Rwanda further undermine its ability to deliver tangible results.

The report examines the 'commodity price problem,' characterized by extreme short-term volatility and a steady long-term decline in real prices relative to manufactured goods. While high prices can provide windfall revenues, the authors argue that dependence on primary commodities creates a 'resource trap' that undermines fiscal planning, exacerbates social inequality, and encourages environmental degradation. The document concludes that because developing countries lack the resources to hedge against these risks, the international community should focus on income stabilization through mechanisms such as compensatory financing, national revenue management, and risk management instruments.

The paper contrasts the Economic Community of West African States' (ECOWAS) successful intervention against a military-backed dynastic succession in Togo with the Southern African Development Community's (SADC) 'hands-off approach' to political suppression and electoral irregularities in Zimbabwe.

The document lists the signature, ratification, and deposit dates for 53 African entities regarding the AU Convention on the Prevention and Combating of Terrorism. As of 23 June 2006, 48 countries had signed the convention, while 36 had completed ratification or accession and deposited their instruments.

The paper examines NEPAD as a holistic development initiative for Africa, contrasting it with earlier plans like the Lagos Plan of Action and the Abuja Treaty. It highlights NEPAD's focus on globalisation, good governance via the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), and its specific administrative structures. While the author notes progress in policy development and some specific projects, such as the West Africa Gas Pipeline and e-School Initiative, the report concludes that overall implementation is hindered by inadequate capacity in regional economic communities and a lack of sufficient funding from developed partners.

The document outlines a timeline of milestones in sustainable development, beginning with the 1962 publication of Silent Spring. It tracks the emergence of environmental NGOs like Greenpeace and Friends of the Earth, the establishment of international frameworks such as the Montreal Protocol and the Kyoto Protocol, and major UN summits including the 1992 Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro and the 2002 World Summit on Sustainable Development in Johannesburg. The timeline also highlights critical environmental crises, such as the Bhopal chemical leak and the Exxon Valdez oil spill, alongside the development of global goals like the Millennium Development Goals.

The document argues that current global trade rules are inequitable and often lock developing countries into a dependence on volatile primary commodities, which increases the risk of civil war. It highlights how rich-country agricultural subsidies and market access restrictions undermine economic diversification in the South. Regarding aid, the text warns that development assistance can inadvertently build the capacity of oppressive regimes or be diverted by the strategic interests of donor nations. The series also examines the 'resource curse,' where natural resource wealth leads to corruption and instability, and proposes a combination of mandatory legal regulations, transparency initiatives like the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI), and conflict-sensitive business practices to break the link between resource extraction and violence.

The South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA) operates the Global Classrooms programme in Johannesburg, funded by the United Nations Association of the United States of America (UNA-USA) and Merrill Lynch. The programme uses Model United Nations (MUN) simulations of the UN Security Council to teach students research, negotiation, and diplomacy. Students are paired with tutors from the University of the Witwatersrand for four months of preparation before participating in simulated crises. In 2006, the programme involved 75 schools and addressed hypothetical crises including Mediterranean water quality, nuclear proliferation in Zimbabwe, polio containment in Nigeria, piracy in Somalia, and water rights in Lake Victoria.

The document assesses the progress and deadlocks of the Doha Round negotiations as of November 2005. It highlights significant stalemates in agricultural market access, non-agricultural market access (NAMA), and services, while detailing specific disputes over fisheries subsidies, intellectual property rights (TRIPS), and the implementation of special and differential treatment for developing countries. It also reviews the impact of the 2005 expiry of textile and clothing quotas and the ongoing efforts to improve the WTO's Dispute Settlement Understanding.

The report assesses the environmental prerequisites for attaining the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), focusing on water for food, sustainable sanitation, and energy access. It argues that achieving MDG 1 (eradicating hunger) requires a 50% increase in freshwater use by 2015, which could lead to severe ecosystem trade-offs unless 'crop per drop' productivity improvements are implemented. In sanitation, the report advocates for ecological sanitation (ecosan) as a cost-effective alternative to conventional sewage systems, particularly for the growing urban target population. Regarding energy, it proposes an 'MDG Energy Vision' to provide basic clean cooking fuels and electricity to the poor, noting that the primary energy requirements for these goals are negligible compared to global consumption but essential for poverty reduction. The report estimates a total annual investment of USD 107 billion from 2005 to 2015 across these three sectors to meet MDG targets sustainably.

The document examines the relationship between natural resource access and poverty, arguing that neoliberal policies—such as trade liberalization, privatization, and industrial agriculture—exacerbate rural poverty by stripping local communities of their resources. It provides case studies from various regions to demonstrate how community-based management of forests, fisheries, and water, alongside sustainable energy and agro-ecological farming, can effectively alleviate poverty. The report calls for the unconditional cancellation of external debt, the recognition of an 'ecological debt' owed by the North to the South, and a structural shift away from corporate-driven development toward food sovereignty and environmental justice.

The document examines the relationship between environmental health and rural poverty, asserting that neoliberal policies—such as trade liberalization, privatization, and industrial agribusiness—exacerbate poverty by stripping local communities of their natural resources. It provides global case studies where community-led management of forests, fisheries, and water, alongside sustainable energy and agroecological farming, offers a viable path toward poverty eradication and environmental restoration.

The report examines the link between environmental degradation and rural poverty, asserting that neoliberal policies—such as trade liberalization, privatization, and industrial agriculture—exacerbate poverty by stripping communities of their natural resources. It provides global case studies where community-led initiatives in forestry, fisheries, and renewable energy have successfully improved livelihoods. The document advocates for the unconditional cancellation of external debt, the recognition of an 'ecological debt' owed by the North to the South, and the promotion of food sovereignty and environmental justice.

Nigeria is identified as the world's largest gas flarer, wasting approximately 2.5 billion cubic feet of associated gas daily, which results in an annual economic loss of US $2.5 billion. The report asserts that flaring has been generally illegal since 1984 under the Associated Gas Reinjection Act, yet continues through a lack of transparency regarding ministerial certificates. Environmental impacts include the emission of roughly 70 million metric tons of CO2 annually and the creation of acid rain that corrodes infrastructure. Health risks for local communities, specifically in Bayelsa State, include increased rates of premature death, child respiratory illnesses, asthma, and cancer due to exposure to particulate matter and benzene. The report criticizes the 'double standards' of the British colonial legacy and the failure of projects like Bonny LNG and the West African Gas Pipeline to prioritize the use of associated gas over non-associated gas.

The document analyzes the complex relationship between African diasporas and their homelands, contrasting historical forced migrations (the slave trade) with modern voluntary and forced migration. It investigates how migrants influence homeland politics through opposition movements, lobbying, and voting, while highlighting the critical economic role of remittances, particularly for island micro-states and enclaves like Cape Verde, Comores, and Lesotho. The author notes that while diasporas can provide essential financial support, they are often viewed with suspicion by authoritarian regimes and internal political actors.

The research argues that the political impact of remittances and diasporas is not determined by the size of the migrant community or the volume of funds sent, but rather by the structure and organization of the recipient state. In Cape Verde, a structured state approach including double nationality and parliamentary seats for migrants has integrated the diaspora into domestic politics. In contrast, the Comores' diaspora remains fragmented, mirroring the archipelago's internal social and political divisions. In Lesotho, the diaspora consists largely of unorganized manual laborers in South Africa who lack formal political mechanisms to influence the government, despite significant economic ties and a desire among some for political integration with South Africa.