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The document details a training workshop conducted from July 3 to 7, 2017, in Bamako, Mali, for 32 officials from UEMOA member states. Organized by the Intergovernmental Forum on Mining, Minerals, Metals and Sustainable Development (IGF) and the UEMOA Commission, the training aimed to equip administrators with the tools to critically analyze feasibility studies and economic models to ensure a fair distribution of mining rents between states and companies. Key modules covered project financing, extractive rent sharing, economic modeling (including NPV, IRR, and WACC), and the risks associated with stability clauses. The workshop emphasized that economic models in PDF format are insufficient for decision-making and that focusing on the investor's fair rate of return is a more effective approach to rent sharing than focusing solely on taxation levels.

The document analyzes Boko Haram's shift toward 'soft targets,' specifically displaced populations in Nigeria, Cameroon, Niger, and Chad. It details the rise in attacks on IDP and refugee camps, the use of female and child suicide bombers, and the infiltration of refugee flows by militants. The author argues that these tactics may serve strategic purposes, such as 'capacity swamping' to coerce governments, turning host communities against refugees, and increasing the group's international visibility.

The report examines Nigerian citizens' views on Boko Haram, identifying a complex interplay of financial incentives, lack of education, and a desire for belonging as primary recruitment drivers. It highlights a deep distrust of Nigerian political institutions and local government, contrasted with higher trust in the presidency and religious leaders. The study finds that while many citizens favor military action, there is significant support for non-military solutions and a strong belief that corruption is a primary security threat. Funding is perceived to come largely from politicians and other terrorist groups, though criminal activities also contribute.

The policy brief examines the increasing presence of sub-Saharan African migrants in Algeria and Morocco, noting that while they have not been significantly implicated in terrorism, their precarious socio-economic conditions and exposure to racism create vulnerabilities. It advocates for the operationalisation of regularisation schemes and the adoption of non-coercive PVE strategies based on UN pillars to prevent future radicalisation.

Nigeria faces severe economic water scarcity and climate-driven ecological challenges, including desertification in the north and oil pollution in the Niger Delta. These stressors, compounded by weak governance, have fueled violent conflicts: Boko Haram leverages frustration over water deprivation, ethnic tensions rise in the Middle Belt due to shifting rainfall patterns affecting herders and farmers, and militants in the Niger Delta attack oil infrastructure over land and water rights. The document argues that Nigeria's instability poses risks to U.S. security interests regarding global oil prices, regional extremism, and migration, recommending U.S. support for drought-tolerant seeds, remote sensing for crisis prediction, and improved local water governance.

The document argues that fuel subsidy reform is essential for Nigeria's economic diversification but requires a 'portfolio approach' to compensation to prevent social unrest and protect the poor. It proposes seven specific programs—including transport vouchers, mass transit schemes, and e-wallets for farmers—with an estimated first-year budget of ₦250 billion (USD 1.3 billion). The report emphasizes that these measures should be implemented through existing ministries rather than new institutions, with oversight provided by a new Directorate for Subsidy Reinvestment Monitoring under the National Planning Commission.

The document examines the impacts of coal, oil, gas, and megadams across Africa, highlighting how these 'dirty energy' sources drive climate change and cause severe social and health crises. It details specific cases, such as South Africa's coal reliance, Uganda's oil expansion, and Mozambique's megadams, while warning against the 'extreme energy' frontier of fracking and tar sands. The briefing concludes that African governments must reject these outdated pathways in favor of decentralized, sustainable energy systems supported by climate finance from developed nations.

The document examines the impacts of 'dirty energy' (coal, oil, gas, nuclear, industrial biomass, mega-dams, and waste incineration) across Africa. It highlights how these technologies drive climate change, cause severe health and environmental damage, and often benefit elites and multinational corporations over local populations. The report provides case studies on coal in South Africa, oil in Nigeria and Uganda, mega-dams in Mozambique, and the risks of 'extreme energy' like fracking and bitumen extraction in the Maghreb and Nigeria. It concludes by calling for 'energy sovereignty' and a just transition to decentralized, renewable energy systems.

The document examines the impacts of 'polluting energy'—including fossil fuels, industrial biomass, and large dams—across Africa. It highlights how these systems often benefit elites and corporations while leaving local populations to face health crises, land grabbing, and climate vulnerability. Specific case studies focus on South Africa's coal dependency, oil extraction in Nigeria and Uganda, the influence of European energy policies in the Maghreb, and the social and environmental costs of large dams in Mozambique. The report concludes that African nations must avoid 'locking in' obsolete polluting technologies and instead pursue energy sovereignty through decentralized renewables.

The document analyzes Nigeria's struggle to maintain its status as a 'regional hegemon' since the return to democracy in 1999. It argues that while Nigeria has a history of assertive 'Africa-centred' foreign policy, this has been eroded by domestic instability, corruption, the Boko Haram insurgency, and a lack of strategic leadership. The author highlights a shift in continental pre-eminence from Nigeria to South Africa and notes that Nigeria's regional influence in West Africa is contested and often dependent on external actors like France. The paper concludes that only a fundamental restructuring of domestic governance and the economy can restore Nigeria's international standing.

The Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF), a coalition of Cameroon, Niger, Nigeria, and Chad, along with Benin, was established to combat Boko Haram. While the force has achieved some operational gains since early 2016, it continues to struggle with significant financial shortfalls, political mistrust among member states, and a gap between official claims of operationality and the reality on the ground. The African Union (AU) serves as a critical strategic and technical partner, filling an institutional vacuum left by the Lake Chad Basin Commission's (LCBC) limited experience in peace operations.

The paper finds that climate actions across examined INDCs align with 154 of the 169 SDG targets, demonstrating significant potential for mutual benefits between climate and development agendas. While global alignment is high, the authors note that few countries explicitly referenced SDGs in their INDCs, often due to separate institutional oversight between environment and development ministries. Case studies of Colombia and Uganda show high goal-level alignment, though target-level alignment varies based on national priorities. The document advocates for a 'whole-of-government' approach to maximize resources and avoid implementation silos.

The document analyzes the dynamics of youth radicalization in Africa, arguing that it is a complex process driven by a combination of 'push' and 'pull' factors rather than a single cause. It highlights how government repression, corruption, high youth unemployment, and social exclusion create vulnerabilities that extremist groups like ISIS, Al-Shabaab, and Boko Haram exploit. The paper emphasizes that while religion is often used as a justification, the root causes are frequently socio-political and economic. It also examines the role of gender, noting that while most recruits are male, women's participation is increasing, often driven by different motivations or forced coercion.

The study finds that ethnic civil wars have indeed declined since the mid-1990s, supporting Ted Robert Gurr's projections. The authors demonstrate that this pacifying trend is associated with increased government accommodation, specifically through the granting of group rights, power-sharing, and democratization, which reduce the probability of conflict onset. Additionally, regional autonomy and peacekeeping operations are found to significantly increase the likelihood of conflict termination. Out-of-sample predictions show that a theory-driven model based on accommodative politics far outperforms a simple time-trend model in predicting the actual decline of ethnic conflict from 2000 to 2013.

The report examines African election trends in 2016, noting that while multi-party elections are now standard, many processes are undermined by 'constitutional coups', the removal of term limits, and electoral irregularities. It details specific cases of instability and incumbent persistence in countries like the Central African Republic, Uganda, and the Republic of Congo, while contrasting these with more stable prospects in South Africa and Ghana.

The document reviews Ghana's climate risk profile, noting that while it is less vulnerable than some West African neighbors, the northern regions face high risks due to poverty and reliance on rain-fed agriculture. It evaluates national policies like the National Climate Change Policy (2014) and the National Climate Change Adaptation Strategy (2010–2020), finding that while these provide a framework, sectoral policies—particularly in agriculture and health—often lack concrete adaptation actions. The review identifies a strong concentration of adaptation projects in the agricultural sector, primarily in northern Ghana, and notes that while Ghana is a significant recipient of bilateral adaptation funds in Sub-Saharan Africa, there is a gap in funding for the water, fisheries, and health sectors.

Bangladesh is highly vulnerable to sea level rise, flooding, and cyclones, leading the government to establish early adaptation frameworks like the National Adaptation Programme of Action (NAPA) and the Bangladesh Climate Change Strategy and Action Plan (BCCSAP). While the country has created dedicated institutions and funds, such as the Bangladesh Climate Change Trust Fund (BCCTF), adaptation efforts have predominantly focused on large-scale infrastructure in coastal urban areas, often neglecting sectors like livestock and regions prone to drought. Despite being a major recipient of international climate finance, disbursement remains fragmented, and there is a significant gap between planned budgets and actual leveraged funds.

Burkina Faso is highly vulnerable to climate change due to its heavy reliance on rain-fed agriculture and livestock, which employ approximately 80-90% of its workforce. The country faces risks from rising temperatures, rainfall variability, and extreme events like floods and droughts. While the government has established a National Adaptation Plan (2015) and a coordinating body (CONEDD), adaptation efforts remain heavily concentrated in the agricultural sector, with limited integration into health or urban planning. Adaptation is largely driven by international funding and regional projects, with a significant gap in subnational guidance and local government capacity.

The briefing advocates for Community Forest Management (CFM) as a superior model for protecting biodiversity and mitigating climate change compared to industrial forestry and absolute protection regimes. It highlights that CFM can reduce deforestation rates and enhance carbon storage while securing the rights and livelihoods of Indigenous Peoples and local communities. The document warns against 'false solutions' like REDD+ and the 'financialization of nature,' which it claims risk land grabbing and the erosion of traditional governance. It recommends that governments recognize collective land tenure and that international frameworks, such as the Convention on Biological Diversity, prioritize CFM over traditional Protected Areas to meet conservation goals.

The document advocates for community forest management (CFM) as a superior alternative to industrial logging and strict protection regimes. It asserts that CFM effectively reduces deforestation, protects biodiversity, and supports climate mitigation and adaptation by empowering indigenous peoples and local communities. The text identifies key success factors such as land tenure security and warns against 'false solutions' like REDD+ and the financialization of nature, which it claims risk land grabbing and the erosion of community control.