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The document proposes a shift from traditional technology-replacement efficiency to a 'whole-systems' approach. It argues that combining electrification with energy end-use efficiency (reducing the demand for energy services) can reduce overall energy demand by 50-75%. The author provides sector-specific examples: in buildings, through passive design and compact urban development; in mobility, via land-use reforms and smaller, lighter electric vehicles; in freight, through modal shifts to rail and material demand reduction; and in steel, via circularity and material substitution. The brief concludes that achieving the COP28 goal of doubling energy efficiency improvement rates requires engaging a diverse range of stakeholders to trigger social tipping points.

The Clean Air Task Force (CATF) argues that the EU's Clean Industrial Deal must adopt a technology-neutral approach, integrating a diverse portfolio of low-carbon solutions including carbon capture, hydrogen, and small modular reactors. The brief emphasizes the need for coordinated cross-border infrastructure, particularly for CO2 transport and storage to avoid regional cost disparities, and calls for a robust funding strategy to bridge a projected €180 billion gap following the end of the Recovery and Resilience Facility in 2026. It further recommends targeted market measures, such as reforming public procurement and prioritizing clean hydrogen for hard-to-abate sectors like steel and shipping, while warning against the use of public funds for inefficient solutions like hydrogen blending.

The document argues that the GWP* metric allows major methane polluters to claim climate neutrality or "no additional warming" by merely stabilising emissions rather than eliminating them. It details how this approach is being embedded into the policies of New Zealand and Ireland, promoted by industry lobbies in Germany and the UK, and pushed by researchers and trade bodies in Brazil ahead of COP30. The author contends that government-linked research bodies are providing a "veneer of scientific legitimacy" to these industry-driven narratives to weaken national and international climate ambitions.

The report describes a 'North Cyprus trap' where international students are lured by recruitment agents with false promises of easy employment and affordable living. Upon arrival in the de facto state of Northern Cyprus, students face economic insecurity and are forced into an illegal, exploitative labour market. Employers often refuse to provide required student work permits, leaving students vulnerable to underpayment, abuse, and legal risks. The author identifies a cyclical pattern where exploited students may become recruitment agents themselves to survive. To break this cycle, the report recommends prohibiting new university construction, regulating recruitment agents through mandatory registration and training, requiring universities to provide rights information in English, increasing labour inspections in the restaurant and construction sectors, and establishing a multi-stakeholder support committee.

In 2024, the Clean Air Task Force (CATF) focused on defending U.S. EPA pollution standards in court, advancing superhot rock geothermal and nuclear energy, and reducing global methane emissions. The organization also worked on simplifying renewable energy siting in the U.S., analyzing the efficiency of hydrogen and carbon capture, and addressing high capital costs for clean energy in Africa. In Europe, CATF influenced the EU's 2040 climate targets and the Net Zero Industry Act, while continuing state-level implementation of federal funding in the U.S.

The report evaluates the integration of permanent carbon removals—specifically BioCCS and DACCS—into the EU ETS. It identifies a critical tension: while direct integration can drive deployment and maintain market liquidity as the emissions cap approaches zero, it risks 'abatement deterrence' where removals substitute for necessary emissions reductions. The authors warn that without supply controls, BioCCS deployment could exceed sustainable biomass limits, potentially harming biodiversity and LULUCF carbon sinks. To mitigate these risks, the report recommends a gradual integration strategy that maintains the gross emissions cap, implements technology-specific supply controls, and introduces differentiated allowances. It also emphasizes that the EU ETS alone is likely insufficient to incentivize high-cost technologies like DACCS or to achieve net-negative emissions post-2050, necessitating additional public funding tools and long-term policy frameworks.

The report argues that COP29 failed to advance human rights-based climate action, citing a weak new climate finance goal, the operationalization of flawed carbon markets, and a restrictive civic environment in the host country. It highlights the removal of references to the right to a healthy environment and the lack of progress on just transition and gender justice, calling for stronger legal obligations and human rights safeguards in future UNFCCC processes.

The policy brief argues that CARICOM lacks a cohesive trade strategy aligned with the global 'Sustainability and Inclusiveness' (S&I) agenda. It analyzes the region's economic vulnerabilities—including small market size, dependence on fossil fuels, and climate risk—and evaluates existing trade agreements like the Revised Treaty of Chaguaramas and the CARIFORUM-EU EPA. The authors recommend a regional approach that integrates trade with policies on energy, climate change, the blue economy, and food security, while increasing the participation of non-traditional stakeholders such as MSMEs and civil society.

The briefing examines the climate impact of 22 global meat and dairy corporations, finding that their combined emissions are comparable to those of entire countries or major oil companies. It argues that the industry uses 'green smokescreens'—such as weak net-zero targets, unproven techno-fixes, and regenerative agriculture—to distract from the need to reduce livestock production. The document further highlights a lack of mandatory agricultural methane targets in the 11 countries where these companies are headquartered, attributing this to 'agricultural exceptionalism' and industry political influence.

The report examines 22 of the world's largest meat and dairy companies, finding that their combined emissions are comparable to those of major oil companies and entire nations. It argues that corporate net-zero targets are largely non-aligned with the 1.5°C warming limit and that the industry relies on 'techno-fixes'—such as feed additives and biogas—and 'regenerative agriculture' to distract from the need to reduce livestock production. The analysis further highlights a lack of mandatory agricultural methane targets in the 11 countries where these companies are headquartered, attributing this to 'agricultural exceptionalism' and industry political influence.

The document examines how ISDS allows foreign investors, particularly in the fossil fuel industry, to sue governments over climate regulations, leading to a 'chilling effect' where states delay or weaken policies to avoid costly awards. It argues that these protections act as a subsidy for GHG-intensive industries, contradicting Article 2.1(c) of the Paris Agreement. The brief concludes that fragmented procedural reforms are insufficient and advocates for a unified global approach, including the use of COP29 and Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) to coordinate ISDS withdrawals or carve-outs.

The AfCFTA Digital Trade Protocol (AfCFTA DTP), adopted in February 2024, establishes a comprehensive framework to integrate digital trade across Africa. The protocol covers 52 articles across 11 parts, addressing market access, data governance, digital inclusion, and trade facilitation. While it aims to unlock significant economic potential—with Africa's digital economy potentially reaching USD 712 billion by 2050—its success depends on the completion of eight ongoing annex negotiations and the ability of state parties to overcome infrastructure gaps and regulatory fragmentation. Key features include a focus on digital inclusion for MSMEs and the establishment of trust frameworks for cybersecurity and data protection, though some critics argue its data flow provisions may favor foreign big tech companies over local technology transfer.

The research evaluates power sector data transparency in 39 Asian economies, finding that over half have insufficient or poor data, which hinders the monitoring of clean power targets and grid optimisation. While higher-income economies generally perform better, countries like India, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka are noted for leading improvements. The report provides nine recommendations for enhancing data governance, emphasizing the need for machine-readable, licence-free, and centrally located data to accelerate the transition from coal to clean electricity.

The report outlines the technological requirements and current Technology Readiness Levels (TRL) for superhot rock (SHR) energy, highlighting critical gaps in reservoir stimulation, casing materials, and surface equipment. It categorizes advancements by criticality, ranging from essential for first-of-a-kind projects to those needed for cost reduction, and identifies key research and industry entities capable of bridging these gaps.

The document argues that while WTO rules provide significant policy space for LDCs to invest in agriculture through the 'Green Box' and 'Development Box', the primary barrier to increasing agricultural productivity is a lack of fiscal space rather than regulatory constraints. It suggests that new WTO rules should focus on reducing trade-distorting 'Amber Box' subsidies in developed and large developing countries to make LDC agriculture more competitive and attractive to private investors. Additionally, it recommends improving LDC market access by simplifying sanitary and phytosanitary (SPS) and technical barriers to trade (TBT) measures and expanding duty-free market access for key agricultural exports.

The document argues that while WTO rules provide significant policy space for LDCs to invest in agriculture through 'Green Box' and 'Development' categories, these countries are primarily constrained by fiscal limitations rather than trade rules. It suggests that food security in LDCs can be improved by reducing trade-distorting 'Amber Box' subsidies in developed nations for key products like cotton and rice, and by easing non-tariff barriers and import duties to stimulate LDC exports.

In a speech delivered on 4 July 2024, WTO Deputy Director-General Jean-Marie Paugam outlines the evolving relationship between the WTO and environmental protection. He notes a paradigm shift where climate change is now actively disrupting trade, citing examples like the Panama Canal drought. While the WTO has made progress through the 2022 Ministerial Declaration and the Fisheries Subsidies Agreement, Paugam warns that uncoordinated national actions—such as the nearly 70 carbon tax schemes in development and varying green steel standards—risk fragmenting world trade. He advocates for a "reglobalization" approach that combines green industrialization with trade cooperation, suggesting the WTO may need to adopt new rule-making models, including plurilateral commitments or non-binding frameworks similar to the Paris Agreement, to remain relevant.

The document argues that the meat and dairy industry employs misleading narratives—including claims about food security, nutritional necessity, and 'regenerative' farming—to obstruct climate action and maintain high production levels. It contends that these tactics distract from the urgent need to reduce methane emissions and shift toward plant-rich diets to meet Paris Agreement goals.

The Clean Air Task Force (CATF) advocates for the passage of H.R. 8665 to accelerate the development of supercritical geothermal energy, which it describes as a high-density, 24/7 carbon-free power source capable of meeting significant energy demands. CATF argues that while the bill's structure is sound, its current $5 million annual allocation is insufficient to cover even a single deep geothermal well. Additionally, the testimony supports H.R. 7053 to provide states with more flexibility in using Bipartisan Infrastructure Law funds for plugging orphaned wells by reducing mandatory, costly methane measurements. CATF emphasizes that the U.S. can leverage its existing oil and gas workforce and subsurface expertise to lead in next-generation geothermal innovation, competing with countries like China, New Zealand, Japan, and Iceland.

The report identifies six distinct climate audiences—Alarmed, Concerned, Cautious, Disengaged, Doubtful, and Dismissive—across a global survey of 139,136 Facebook users. It finds that the 'Alarmed' group is the largest in approximately 77% of the surveyed areas, with the highest concentrations in Puerto Rico and other Latin American countries. Conversely, the 'Doubtful' and 'Dismissive' groups are most prevalent in the Netherlands, Norway, and Libya. The analysis highlights a correlation between lower per-capita emissions and income and higher levels of climate alarm, while noting that the United States has a lower proportion of 'Alarmed' respondents compared to other top carbon-emitting nations.