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The paper identifies six primary risk factors for conflict in Mozambique: history of violence and political party dynamics, geographic distribution, poverty and inequality, expectations, corruption, and the cost of extraction. While the authors conclude that full-scale civil war is improbable, they warn of a high likelihood of periodic pockets of violence, particularly in resource-rich regions where political opposition is strong and local populations feel marginalised.

The African Governance Architecture (AGA), established by the African Union in 2011, aims to coordinate continental governance initiatives under a 'shared values' agenda. However, the paper identifies critical gaps in its operationalization, specifically a disconnect between governance and security frameworks and an undefined role for the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). The authors argue that integrating the AGA with the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) would transform the latter from a reactive to a pre-emptive tool by using governance assessments to flag potential conflicts. Additionally, the paper suggests the APRM should serve as the primary diagnostic tool for monitoring member states' compliance with shared values instruments, noting that past APRM reports have already identified systemic barriers to domestication, such as bureaucratic red tape and lack of enforcement capacity.

The document identifies three primary pressure points affecting South Africa's mining outlook: a negative macroeconomic environment characterized by currency volatility and regulatory uncertainty, structural gaps in infrastructure and skills, and the need to better leverage existing strengths such as reserve size and financial services. It warns that internal instability and global headwinds, including slowing demand from China, are eroding South Africa's competitive edge relative to other sub-Saharan African nations and mature mining jurisdictions.

JA! / Friends of the Earth Mozambique reports a decline in civil society space and an increase in human rights violations in 2013. The organization highlights ongoing struggles against land-grabbing by ProSavana and Wambao agriculture, the displacement of communities due to coal mining in Tete province, and opposition to REDD projects in Africa. The statement also denounces the government's crackdown on press freedom and critical opinion, specifically citing the criminal proceedings against academic Carlos Nuno Castel-Branco and media outlets Canal de Moçambique and Mediafax.

Amigos da Terra Mozambique / JA! reports a deterioration of human rights and civil liberties in Mozambique throughout 2013, highlighting land grabbing, environmental destruction, and government repression of dissent. The organization details its opposition to specific projects like ProSavana and REDD, while calling for social and environmental justice and the protection of freedom of expression.

The African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), established in 2003 under NEPAD, is a voluntary governance assessment system where African states evaluate their own political, economic, and corporate governance. By 2013, 33 states had acceded, with 17 completing their first review. The mechanism utilizes a process of self-assessment, expert missions, and high-level peer review to identify deficiencies and implement National Programmes of Action (NPoAs). While the APRM has successfully expanded democratic space and fostered a common governance vocabulary, it faces challenges in integrating NPoAs into national budgets and ensuring consistent high-level oversight of implementation.

The African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), established in 2003 to improve governance in member states, has failed to attract significant media attention despite its potential. The document identifies four primary barriers: the bulky and technical nature of Country Review Reports (CRRs), a lack of understanding of the APRM's complex processes among journalists, a media focus on sporadic events rather than the implementation of National Programmes of Action (NPoAs), and inadequate communication strategies from APRM structures. Furthermore, the paper notes that the APRM's self-assessment questionnaires historically neglected media freedom, only introducing a related question in 2011. Case studies from Zambia, South Africa, Mozambique, and Uganda illustrate that while media-friendly packaging (such as traffic light rating systems) can generate interest, coverage remains intermittent and superficial. The authors argue that the media's watchdog role is essential for monitoring NPoA implementation and recommend the adoption of continental and national media strategies, specialized journalist beats, and increased training to bridge the gap between the APRM and the public.

The paper examines the tension between 'positive' and 'negative' governance values in Africa. While the African Union has established comprehensive frameworks like the APRM and ACDEG to promote transparency, accountability, and human rights, the author argues that a lack of political will and moral leadership hinders their implementation. The document highlights persistent issues such as systemic corruption, political clientelism, the marginalisation of women, and electoral manipulation, while noting that a small group of countries has made significant progress toward democratic governance.

The document outlines that Africa is experiencing significant warming and increased extreme weather, which threatens food security, health, and economic growth. It argues that while Africa has contributed little to historic emissions, it is highly vulnerable and must integrate adaptation and mitigation into long-term development planning. Key opportunities for the region include adopting decentralized renewable energy, implementing conservation agriculture, and planning low-carbon urban growth to avoid fossil fuel lock-in.

The document outlines the observed and projected climate impacts in Africa, emphasizing that warming is already occurring and will likely accelerate. It argues that while global mitigation is essential to avoid catastrophic outcomes, immediate investment in adaptation is critical to protect food security, health, and economic growth. The report highlights opportunities for Africa to adopt low-carbon development pathways and calls for international cooperation and financial support to build resilience.

Friends of the Earth International (FoEI) opposes the REDD (Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation) system, whether market-based or publicly funded. FoEI argues that REDD treats forests as mere carbon stocks, which ignores their social and cultural value and creates perverse incentives for deforestation. The document highlights risks such as the criminalization of traditional forest management, the displacement of communities, and the failure of carbon offsets to permanently reduce emissions. Instead of financial incentives, FoEI proposes strengthening the land rights of Indigenous Peoples and local communities, supporting collective forest management, and demanding that industrialized nations reduce fossil fuel emissions without relying on offsets.

Friends of the Earth International (FoEI) argues that REDD schemes, whether market-based or publicly funded, fail to address the root causes of climate change and risk harming the rights of Indigenous Peoples and local communities. FoEI contends that REDD commodifies forests, reduces them to 'carbon stocks', and creates perverse incentives for deforestation while enabling industrialized nations to avoid direct emission reductions through offsets. The organization advocates for the recognition of communal land rights and the empowerment of forest-dependent populations as the only effective means of forest conservation.

The report details a transition in South Africa's energy efficiency landscape, marked by the introduction of new building codes (SANS 10400) and mandatory quality testing for solar water heaters. While the high-pressure solar water heater market is consolidating after a peak in 2011 and the low-pressure sector is described as 'virtually extinct', the embedded generation sector, particularly solar PV, is showing growth as it approaches price parity with Eskom retail pricing. Financial incentives are shifting from Eskom-funded rebates, which have been largely cancelled, toward tax deductions under Section 12L.

The report evaluates Tanzania's adherence to four global biodiversity conventions using a 15-category review methodology. While Tanzania is found to have a strong legal and policy framework, it struggles with financing, monitoring, and the practical enforcement of laws, particularly regarding illegal ivory trade under CITES. The study concludes that implementation effectiveness is moderate overall, with significant gaps in human and technical capacity and a heavy reliance on international donor funding.

The document outlines SEI's approach to climate adaptation, emphasizing that vulnerability is driven more by socioeconomic conditions than by climate exposure. It argues that adaptation and development are inextricably linked and that adaptation has inherent limits, meaning it cannot replace mitigation. The briefing also details SEI's global initiatives, such as the weADAPT platform and the Asia Adaptation Knowledge Platform, and identifies future research priorities including the role of gender, culture, and the private sector in adaptation.

The report advocates for Sweden to shift its approach to Disaster Risk Reduction (DRR) from a humanitarian-led response model to one integrated with sustainable development and resilience building. It highlights that disaster risk is driven more by increasing vulnerability and 'risk blindness' than by natural hazards alone. The authors recommend that the Swedish Ministry for Foreign Affairs (MFA) and Sida move DRR activities out of purely humanitarian departments to address underlying structural causes of risk, particularly in urban areas and among the most vulnerable populations.

The PEDRA research group focuses on the human dimensions of environmental and socio-economic risks in Asia, employing systems-oriented approaches to promote inclusive governance and resilient development. Its current work includes nine diverse projects addressing climate change adaptation in peri-urban Southeast Asia, gender inequalities in environmental conditions, disaster risk reduction in WASH systems, and the governance of the Bali Cultural Landscape.

The IFC-PPCR project in Nepal aims to build climate resilience in the agricultural sector by incentivizing private actors to train farmers in improved agronomic practices and expanding access to climate-adaptive finance. The project targets 15,000 farmers growing rice, maize, and sugarcane in the Terai region. Key strategies include using PPCR grants to cover start-up training costs for agribusinesses and developing a risk-sharing facility to encourage local commercial banks to lend to the high-risk agricultural sector. While agribusinesses see a business case through improved crop supply and quality, banks are motivated by market potential and regulatory mandates to increase agricultural lending. The project highlights the importance of early consultation and tailored capacity building to overcome public and private sector reluctance in Least Developed Countries.

The document examines the escalating tensions between the Frelimo government and Renamo in Mozambique, triggered by Renamo's 2009 electoral defeat and subsequent claims of fraud. It assesses whether Renamo's threats to return to civil war are credible, noting that while the party lacks the external support and youth it had during the 1975-1992 conflict, it remains capable of sabotaging key infrastructure. The brief highlights internal rifts within Renamo between 'bush' and 'city' factions and the rising influence of the Democratic Movement of Mozambique (MDM). It also discusses the geopolitical concerns of SADC members, particularly Zimbabwe and Malawi, regarding the disruption of economic corridors, and recommends sincere political dialogue and regional mediation to ensure peaceful 2014 general elections.

The document examines how the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) facilitates the inclusion of civil society organisations (CSOs) in national governance assessments. While the APRM has helped transform CSOs from adversaries into partners in some countries, the process faces challenges such as 'pro-forma participation', capacity constraints, and a decline in momentum after the publication of Country Review Reports (CRRs). The author recommends that governments involve CSOs directly in monitoring and evaluation and that CSOs develop strategies for sustained policy dialogue and cross-national peer learning.