Search Climate Insights Directory

The document examines the African Union's (AU) unprecedented attempt to use military compellence against the government of Burundi in December 2015. After diplomatic efforts and targeted sanctions failed to stop violence against civilians, the AU Peace and Security Council (PSC) issued an ultimatum threatening a non-consensual military intervention under Article 4(h) of the AU Constitutive Act. The authors argue that this threat failed to materialise due to the Burundian government's strategic use of its status as a troop-contributing country, a lack of unity among AU member states, and a regional culture of autocracy where neighbouring leaders were reluctant to challenge the extension of presidential term limits.

The research paper analyzes how the AKP government transitioned Turkey's role in Syria from a projected 'humanitarian superpower' to a state focused on national security. It examines the tension between 'humanitarian diplomacy'—which emphasizes Islamic identity and solidarity—and the 'securitisation' of Kurdish autonomy in Northern Syria. The author argues that Turkey's foreign policy is deeply linked to its domestic political shift toward authoritarianism and the need to appease nationalist allies, ultimately prioritizing state security over human security.

The research finds that while Libyan arms significantly enhanced the military capacity of insurgents in Mali and the Sinai, the overall proliferation was less destabilizing and widespread than initially feared, abating after 2013 due to international interventions and increased domestic demand within Libya.

The research examines the determinants of external state support for rebel groups using a new dataset of 403 organizations. It argues that support is not merely a function of the civil war's general characteristics but depends on the specific attributes of the rebel group and the international relations of the target state. The findings indicate that moderately strong groups with transnational constituencies are most likely to receive aid, particularly when the target state is involved in an international rivalry or receives its own external support. Conversely, very strong or very weak groups, and those in democratic states, are less likely to be supported.

The research examines nine donor-supported active citizenship programs implemented between 2010 and 2015 in Iraq, Kuwait, Lebanon, Libya, and Tunisia. The authors argue that these programs, primarily funded by the US and Europe, employ a 'neo-liberalization of citizenship' approach that emphasizes formal participation and technical skill-building over political dissent and social mobilization. Through interviews with approximately 250 activists, the study finds a significant gap between the normative, Western-inspired training modules and the actual political constraints in the MENA region, such as secretive decision-making, unreliable judicial systems, and the dominance of informal power networks. The paper concludes that these programs risk bolstering the legitimacy of non-democratic regimes by encouraging tokenistic engagement and disconnecting activists from their local communities.

The research demonstrates that states experiencing civil wars are significantly more likely to be involved in militarized interstate disputes (MIDs). Using data from 1946 to 2001, the authors find that this 'civil peace' effect is comparable in magnitude to the 'democratic peace' effect. Analysis of over 400 MIDs reveals that the increased risk is driven by states attempting to influence the outcome of civil wars through direct intervention, externalization (such as cross-border counter-insurgency), and unintended spillovers, rather than by opportunistic attacks on weakened states or diversionary wars to consolidate domestic power.

The paper argues that while digital technologies offer opportunities for efficiency in crisis response, they are not neutral and can compromise fundamental humanitarian principles. It identifies key analytical prisms—humanitarian space, public-private partnerships, resource distribution (e.g., digital food/cash), human relations, and data-driven vulnerabilities—to guide future academic inquiry into the 'technological turn' of humanitarian action.

The authors argue that non-violent direct action is more effective at undermining autocracies and significantly more likely to lead to democratic transitions than violent conflict. Using a multinomial logit model for the period 1900-2004, the study finds that non-violent campaigns substantially increase the probability of democratization, particularly when the state has a high proportion of democratic neighbors. Conversely, violent direct action is less effective at destabilizing regimes overall and makes transitions to new autocracies relatively more likely. The research suggests that non-violence promotes power dispersion and elite defection, whereas violence tends to centralize power and justify further repression.

The paper examines the 'globalisation' of the Darfur rebellion, arguing that while international attention provided rebels with leverage and deterred mass violence, it also incentivised uncompromising political posturing and fostered internal fragmentation by decoupling leadership from local legitimacy.

The report examines SFA in Burkina Faso, Chad, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, and Somalia since 2010, finding that billions in spending have often been ineffective or counter-productive. It identifies a 'piecemeal approach' where multiple providers with diverging interests create fragmented security forces, undermining professional standards and civilian oversight. Case studies of Mali and Somalia highlight issues such as high personnel turnover, a focus on technical skills over ethics, and the diversion of equipment to illicit markets. The authors recommend long-term, coordinated partnerships based on detailed local capacity assessments to foster cohesion rather than fragmentation.

The paper analyzes conflict dynamics in Africa from 1989 to 2019, noting a record high of 25 state-based conflicts in 2019, many of which are low-intensity or involve the Islamic State. While Africa faces rising non-state conflicts and one-sided violence, it also leads other regions in the number of definitive ceasefires and peace agreements. The study further details the growth of UN peacekeeping operations in the region from 1994 to 2018, highlighting a significant increase in troop deployment peaking in 2010.

The research analyzes the geographical evolution of African civil wars using the UCDP Georeferenced Event Dataset (GED). It argues that rebel groups with strong ethnic ties or significant military strength tend to maintain stable, localized conflict zones, whereas groups lacking these attributes—or those receiving external military support—are more likely to be 'roving.' The study finds that the greatest mobility occurs when rebels have neither strong local ties nor the strength to compete conventionally with government forces.

The document argues that Australia's mandatory off-shore processing regime in Nauru and Papua New Guinea constitutes a violation of the principle of non-refoulement. It contends that by transferring asylum seekers to facilities characterized by arbitrary detention, inadequate medical care, and conditions akin to torture, Australia exercises extraterritorial jurisdiction and remains legally responsible for these human rights violations. The author warns that this model serves as a blueprint for similar externalization policies currently emerging in the European Union.

The research argues that the expansion of jihadist groups in central Mali is fueled by a 'predatory and corrupt state' and a development model that ignores pastoral priorities. By analyzing land-use conflicts in the Mopti region, the authors find that pastoralists support jihadist groups because they offer an anti-elite discourse and a perceived alternative to a state that extracts rent through corrupt courts and a paramilitary Forest Service. The study concludes that recruitment is largely a strategic response to material interests and political exclusion.

This research paper by Amanda Lucey argues for the integration of peace and security into the discourse of South-South Cooperation (SSC), specifically in the context of the BAPA+40 conference. The author contends that while the original 1978 Buenos Aires Plan of Action (BAPA) focused on economic and social development, the contemporary African reality necessitates a holistic approach where peace and development are viewed as mutually reinforcing.

The report details Austria's limited historical and economic ties with Africa, noting that while North Africa maintains stronger diplomatic relations, trade and development assistance are focused on specific priority countries in East and Southern Africa. It highlights South Africa as Austria's primary African trading partner and discusses Austria's commitments to EU-Africa strategies during its 2006 EU Council presidency.

The document details Germany's shift from a marginal interest in Africa during the Cold War to a more active partnership approach starting in 1998. It highlights the transition from a 'watering can' aid model to targeted support for a limited number of countries, emphasizing poverty reduction and sustainable development. Economic ties are characterized by a concentration of foreign direct investment in Libya, Egypt, and South Africa, while political engagement includes support for the G8 Africa Action Plan and NEPAD. The report specifically examines the 'strategic partnership' with South Africa, noting significant bilateral trade and investment in the automotive and chemical sectors. It also outlines Germany's security contributions through UN-mandated operations and its internal economic challenges, such as high unemployment, which influence its international agenda.

The document outlines Italy's strategic focus on the Horn of Africa, driven by colonial history and security concerns, and its role in regional peace processes. It details Italy's development aid trends, noting a decline in real terms despite government commitments, and examines Italy's trade and investment ties across Africa, particularly with Tunisia, Libya, and South Africa.

A budget vote speech delivered by the Minister of International Relations and Cooperation, Maite Nkoana-Mashabane, to the National Assembly on 31 May 2011. The speech outlines South Africa's foreign policy priorities, its role in regional and global governance, and the operational goals of the Department of International Relations and Cooperation (DIRCO).

The South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA) developed the Climate Change and Economic Vulnerability Index (CEVI) and the Climate Change and Economic Resilience Index (CERI) to address the misalignment of climate finance. Using data from 160 countries, the indices reveal that low-income economies, particularly in Africa, face the highest vulnerability and lowest resilience. An analysis of 2021 OECD adaptation finance flows shows that funds are often misallocated, with more resilient and less vulnerable countries sometimes receiving higher per-person funding than those in the most critical need. The paper recommends that international financial institutions mainstream these indices to ensure needs-based allocation of climate support.