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The document examines the 'peace pyramid' model of conflict management in Africa, where subregional organisations act as the base, the OAU as the linkage, and the UN as the apex. It argues that while subregional bodies like ECOWAS and SADC are often better motivated for intervention due to proximity, they lack institutionalised crisis management mechanisms and are built upon fragile states. The author suggests that effective regional security requires a focus on state-building, good governance, and the creation of permanent secretariats to ensure impartiality and reliability.

The Clean Air Task Force (CATF) advocates for the inclusion of 'blue' hydrogen in the UK's sustainable aviation fuel (SAF) mandate, arguing that biofuels and 'green' hydrogen alone cannot meet the sector's energy demands or the 2030 target of 10% SAF. CATF asserts that 'blue' hydrogen is more scalable and cost-effective than 'green' hydrogen and can achieve comparable lifecycle emissions if high carbon capture rates and strict methane leakage controls are implemented. The document provides cost comparisons and estimates the significant renewable energy capacity that would be required if the mandate were met solely through 'green' hydrogen.

Egypt has reduced gas flaring by 26% since 2016 through targeted capture projects, yet it remains the world's 12th largest flarer. The report identifies a theoretical opportunity to recover up to 3.7 BCM of gas annually, which could add $7 billion to the economy and reduce emissions by 88 million CO2-equivalent tonnes. It highlights specific 'gas to pipeline' and 'gas to power' projects as commercially viable models that can be deployed within 9-18 months. The authors advocate for a data-led approach using satellite tracking to prioritise interventions and call for increased international investment and government coordination to eliminate routine flaring.

The document highlights that just 1% of Libya's estimated superhot rock geothermal resource could provide 2,399 GW of energy capacity, far exceeding the country's projected 2050 electricity demand of 72,149 GWh. It argues that this technology offers a low-land-footprint alternative to fossil fuels and other renewables, while providing a transition pathway for Libya's oil and gas workforce.

The document examines the implementation of Leak Detection and Repair (LDAR) programs to reduce fugitive methane emissions, focusing on ground-based Optical Gas Imaging (OGI) surveys. It analyzes the relationship between inspection frequency and emission reductions, providing cost estimates for in-house versus outsourced detection models. The analysis highlights that abatement costs vary by country based on the value of salable gas and local market constraints, with some regions achieving negative marginal abatement costs. Key barriers to deployment include a lack of local technical capacity, logistical constraints in remote areas, and high costs associated with imported equipment.

The document evaluates the installation of Vapor Recovery Units (VRUs) to capture hydrocarbon vapors from storage tanks, finding that while they typically reduce emissions by 95%, high upfront capital costs and infrastructure gaps limit adoption. Across the studied countries in Africa and Latin America, VRUs remain below a low-cost threshold of 596 USD/tCH4, though cost-effectiveness varies based on the volume of methane emitted per site.

Climate TRACE estimates that anthropogenic methane emissions in 2025 were just over 410 million tonnes, with agriculture, fossil energy, and waste accounting for 97% of the total. The report argues that slashing methane is the most impactful way to keep global warming under 2 degrees Celsius due to the gas's powerful near-term warming effect. It identifies specific actionable opportunities: reducing methane intensity in oil and gas production (particularly in the US and Mexico), capturing coal mine methane, targeting a small number of high-emitting landfills, and addressing enteric fermentation and rice cultivation in agriculture.

Hudson River Sloop Clearwater opposes the transfer of Indian Point's nuclear licenses to Holtec International, citing the company's 'rip and ship' decommissioning model as a risk to public safety and a means to maximize private profit from ratepayer funds. The document details a pattern of bribery and fraud involving Holtec and its partner SNC-Lavalin, including a World Bank ban and criminal charges in Canada and Libya. It highlights safety failures at the San Onofre Nuclear Generating Station, such as damaged canisters and a near-miss accident, and criticizes Holtec's proposed Consolidated Interim Storage facility in New Mexico for being located in an active oil field. The author contends that Holtec's lack of decommissioning experience and its complex LLC structure create a significant risk that taxpayers will be left with the costs of incomplete remediation.

The document argues that expanding fossil gas production in Africa is a 'fallacy' that risks creating stranded assets, increasing national debt, and exacerbating climate vulnerability. It highlights that gas reserves are concentrated in a few nations, meaning expansion will not benefit the continent broadly. Furthermore, it asserts that fossil gas infrastructure often involves high foreign ownership and poor contractual terms, pulling wealth out of Africa. The report contrasts this with the potential of renewables, noting that Africa possesses vast solar and wind resources that could provide cheaper, more accessible energy and more sustainable jobs. Environmental risks cited include the destruction of biodiversity hotspots, such as mangroves and coral reefs, and the health impacts of gas flaring and fracking. The briefing concludes that Africa should leapfrog extractive energy systems in favor of a clean, distributed energy future supported by international climate finance.

Global Witness asserts that tensions between NATO allies in the eastern Mediterranean over fossil gas are futile, as the EU's projected 90 percent reduction in gas demand by 2050 renders these reserves unnecessary. The report highlights that extracting discovered gas in disputed waters would produce carbon emissions comparable to the annual output of France and Spain combined. It specifically calls for the cancellation of the €6 billion EastMed pipeline, which is currently a "Project of Common Interest," arguing that its operation would cause immense environmental damage and further escalate regional conflict.

The document analyzes the impact of the Trump administration's 'reciprocal tariffs' on the Global South, specifically Africa, and argues that these policies signal the end of preferential market access under AGOA. It suggests that African nations should respond by rerouting trade through the AfCFTA and BRICS, implementing targeted import substitution industrialisation, and creating collective bargaining platforms to negotiate with external powers.

The document examines the misalignment between European interests and the local political economy of migrant smuggling in Niger, specifically focusing on the hub of Agadez and the broader Niger-Libya corridor.

The document examines the breach of arms control systems during the Libyan conflict, specifically focusing on France and Qatar's admission of supplying arms to rebels. It highlights the failure of end-user monitoring and the potential violation of contractual obligations, noting that Qatar may have re-exported arms sourced from the US and other nations, including Swiss ammunition. The author notes the inconsistent international response and the silence of South Africa regarding these transfers despite its own claims of being a responsible arms exporter.

This document is an introductory report from the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) regarding a conference held on 31 May 2011. The conference aimed to analyze the 2011 North African revolutions and generate policy responses to peace and security challenges to support democratization and human security in the region.

The briefing discusses the NPT Preparatory Committee meeting held from 4 to 15 May 2009 in New York, which serves as the final session before the 2010 Review Conference. It details the NPT's three pillars—non-proliferation, disarmament, and peaceful use of nuclear energy—and emphasizes Africa's commitment to these goals through the Treaty of Pelindaba. The document highlights the leadership of Zimbabwe's Ambassador Boniface Chidyausiku as chair of the 2009 meeting and urges African states to support the total elimination of nuclear arsenals and the entry into force of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty.

This document is a draft agenda for the Twelfth Ordinary Session of the Assembly of the African Union, scheduled for February 1-3, 2009, in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.

The document analyzes the January 2013 escalation of conflict in Mali, where Islamist rebels captured the city of Konna, prompting a French military intervention. It attributes the rebel offensive to a lack of progress in negotiations and delays in the deployment of the UN-authorized African-led International Support Mission in Mali (AFISMA). While the French intervention is viewed as timely due to the Malian army's limited operational capacity, the author warns of humanitarian risks and the long-term challenge of controlling liberated areas. The briefing concludes by questioning the effectiveness of previous initiatives to strengthen African national armies and calls for a rethink of regional defense strategies.

Africa is experiencing rapid population growth and urbanisation, with a projected population of over 1.8 billion by 2035. While the continent shows a positive overall trend, growth is heterogeneous and often outpaced by population increases, leading to a projected rise in the number of people living in extreme poverty. The report highlights a 'demographic dividend' that remains delayed due to high fertility rates, and notes that while global democratic trends are declining, popular support for democracy in Africa remains strong despite fragile foundations. Security is shifting from large-scale interstate conflicts toward more complex, lower-fatality violence, including urban riots and terrorism. Economic growth is hindered by a lack of structural transformation and a significant infrastructure deficit, particularly in basic services like water and sanitation, which the report argues are more critical for poverty reduction than traditional trade infrastructure.

The document serves as a teaching module on the International Criminal Court (ICC) and the domestic prosecution of international crimes. It details the ICC's evolution, its four primary organs, and the complex jurisdictional triggers and admissibility requirements, specifically the principle of complementarity. It further analyzes the tension between the ICC's mandate and state immunities, particularly regarding the Rome Statute's Articles 27 and 98. Finally, it compares how South Africa, Botswana, and Malawi incorporate international crimes into their national laws, highlighting South Africa's more comprehensive implementing legislation compared to the limited Geneva Conventions Acts in Botswana and Malawi.

The research paper develops a formal model and provides empirical analysis to argue that third-party military intervention in civil wars is driven by economic factors. The authors find that the likelihood of intervention increases when the conflict state has large oil reserves, when the global oil market is more oligopolistic (less competitive), and when the potential intervener is a net oil importer. Using a dyadic dataset from 1945-1999, the study demonstrates that the value of oil reserves and the intervener's balance of trade in oil are significant predictors of intervention, often exerting a larger impact than traditional factors like ethnic ties or Cold War dynamics.