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The report evaluates sustainable cooling policy progress in the 'Critical 9' countries, finding that while energy efficiency policies exist, they are inconsistently implemented and often fail to cover off-grid devices or reflect best-in-class technology. It highlights a significant gap in integrating cooling demand into national electrification planning and financial incentives, while noting varying levels of adoption of National Cooling Action Plans (NCAPs) and the Kigali Amendment.

The report outlines systemic barriers to gridless services, emphasizing that failures often stem from a lack of understanding of user needs, regulatory gaps, and financial instability rather than technical performance.

The document provides a comprehensive guide to adaptation communications (ADCOMs), which are voluntary reports used by countries to share climate adaptation priorities and needs. It outlines the four primary goals of ADCOMs: increasing the visibility of adaptation, strengthening support for developing countries, providing data for the global stocktake, and enhancing global learning. The text details flexible submission methods—standalone, in conjunction with, or as a component of other documents like NDCs or NAPs—and lists optional content elements ranging from national circumstances to gender-responsive actions. Finally, it explains how countries can leverage existing NAP processes to develop their ADCOMs, even if a final NAP document is not yet complete.

The document explains that Adaptation Communications (ADCOMs) are voluntary reports under the Paris Agreement designed to synthesize a country's climate adaptation priorities, efforts, and needs. It outlines four primary goals: enhancing the visibility of adaptation relative to mitigation, strengthening support for developing countries, providing inputs for the global stocktake, and enhancing learning. Countries have flexibility in submission, choosing to provide ADCOMs as standalone documents, in conjunction with other reports, or as components of existing documents like NDCs or NAPs. The guide emphasizes that ADCOMs are country-driven and should not create additional burdens for developing nations, suggesting that countries can synthesize existing information from their NAP processes to meet submission goals, particularly for the 2023 global stocktake.

The document explains that Adaptation Communications (ADCOMs) are voluntary reports under the Paris Agreement designed to synthesize a country's climate adaptation priorities, needs, and lessons. It outlines four primary purposes: increasing the visibility of adaptation relative to mitigation, mobilizing support for developing countries, providing data for the Global Stocktake, and enhancing learning. The text details flexible submission methods—as standalone documents, linked to other reports, or as components of existing documents like NDCs or NAPs—and emphasizes that ADCOMs should not create additional burdens for developing nations. It also provides a detailed list of optional content elements and explains how countries can leverage their ongoing NAP processes to inform their ADCOMs.

The document explains that Adaptation Communications (ADCOMs) are optional reports under the Paris Agreement used by countries to share climate adaptation priorities, needs, and lessons. It outlines four main objectives: increasing attention to adaptation, strengthening support for developing countries, contributing to the Global Stocktake, and improving knowledge of adaptation measures. Countries can submit ADCOMs as standalone documents, jointly with other reports, or as components of existing documents like NDCs or NAPs to minimize administrative burdens. The text emphasizes that ADCOMs are country-driven, flexible, and not intended for direct comparison between parties.

The Global Climate and Health Alliance (GCHA) developed the HealthyNDCs Scorecard to analyze and rank 40 NDCs from 66 countries, assessing how health is incorporated into climate commitments and the level of climate ambition. The document serves as a guide for a Twitter campaign to pressure governments to set ambitious emissions targets and embed health protections into their national climate plans. GCHA identifies specific countries as failing to consider health or lacking ambition, while others are praised for leadership in this area.

The document examines the intersection of power-sharing institutions and gender equality, noting that while power-sharing is a common tool for peacebuilding, it is often 'gender blind'. It argues that consociational models focusing on ethno-national identity can risk embedding patriarchal attitudes or sacrificing women's claims for equality to maintain communal unity. However, the authors suggest that because power-sharing already utilizes group proportions and quotas, it provides a 'natural environment' for securing gender-based quotas. The briefing highlights that power-sharing agreements are seven times more likely to have gender quotas than those without such provisions.

The study finds that while inclusive power-sharing arrangements positively affect the proportion of seats held by women in national parliaments, they do not statistically increase women's empowerment in civil society, including their political participation, civil liberties, and civil society engagement. Using a country-year fixed effects model for 180 countries, the author argues that such institutions often provide an 'illusion of inclusion' by focusing on elite-level representation while failing to address grassroots gender inequalities.

The report examines the tension between Ethiopian nationalists and ethno-nationalists, noting that while most agree on federalism, they disagree on its purpose. It analyzes three primary constitutional frameworks—consociationalism, centripetalism, and integration—and proposes five hybrid models to balance inclusion, moderation, and national cohesion. The author concludes that no single design is sufficient and recommends a negotiated blend of these mechanisms to ensure stability and protect individual and minority rights.

The policy brief examines the 2021 UN Security Council agreement to keep the Bab al-Hawa border crossing open for humanitarian aid to Syria. It argues that Russia's support for the resolution, despite its preference for aid to flow through Damascus, was driven by a need to prevent the economic collapse of the al-Assad regime. The author highlights the role of a bilateral US-Russia deal and the diplomatic efforts of Ireland and Norway in securing the compromise. The brief also notes that while external stakeholders find the current fragile state of Syria acceptable, the lack of funding for reconstruction and regional instabilities—including COVID-19 and shifts in Iranian and US engagement—threaten long-term stability.

The report synthesizes findings from 49 peer-reviewed articles and 72 distinct analyses to determine what factors drive individuals to aspire to migrate. It employs a two-step model distinguishing between the formation of aspirations and their conversion into actual migration. The review identifies 32 determinants across demographic, socio-economic, individual, contextual, and migration-related domains. Key findings indicate that migration aspirations are most strongly and consistently driven by youth, male gender, the presence of migration networks, a history of international travel, and exposure to violence or insecurity. Conversely, aspirations are consistently lowered by increasing age, higher subjective well-being, and strong social attachment to the community of origin. The document also notes a significant research gap in the 'conversion' phase—how aspirations translate into actual movement—due to the logistical challenges of longitudinal panel data collection.

The policy brief examines the regional dynamics surrounding Afghanistan, arguing that the country often serves as an arena where neighbors project their own existential security concerns and rivalries. It highlights the risks associated with the US military withdrawal in 2021, noting that while global powers like Russia and China have interests in the region, there is a critical lack of a credible multilateral platform for neighbors to coordinate. The author analyzes specific tensions, including the Iran-Saudi rivalry in the Gulf, the lead taken by Uzbekistan in Central Asia, and the deep-seated India-Pakistan conflict in South Asia, concluding that any Afghan normalization not endorsed by both India and Pakistan will be unsustainable.

The report analyzes how the COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated existing disparities in health, wealth, and power, specifically highlighting 'vaccine apartheid' and the failure of multi-stakeholder governance. It critiques the reliance on private sector solutions for public crises and advocates for transformative policies, including the waiver of intellectual property rights for vaccines, progressive tax reforms, and the strengthening of universal public services to ensure a just recovery.

The document analyzes French involvement in the Lebanese Civil War from 1975 to 1982. It argues that France's official policy of neutrality and its slogan of preserving Lebanon's "integrity, sovereignty and unity" were rhetorical masks for a struggle to balance conflicting alliances. France's role shifted from early mediation attempts, such as the Couve de Murville mission, to a tacit acceptance of Syrian intervention in 1976 to prevent a PLO victory. The study details France's participation in UNIFIL and the Multinational Force (MNF), its economic role in reconstruction, and the strain on its relationship with Maronite militias, who felt abandoned by Paris. The analysis concludes that France remained largely powerless to change the war's course, often acting in compliance with United States interests.

China's engagement in Iraq and Syria is primarily driven by economic logic and the Belt and Road Initiative, though it increasingly faces security risks from terrorism and political instability. In Iraq, China has become a top trading partner with a heavy focus on oil, while in Syria, it provides political cover for the Assad regime and explores limited reconstruction opportunities. The document argues that China lacks a unified regional strategy, instead employing a cautious, pragmatic, and piecemeal approach that balances economic opportunism with a traditional policy of non-interference, though the need to protect assets may eventually push Beijing toward more active counter-terrorism efforts.

A coalition of international church-based organisations urges the European Commission to reform its migration and asylum policies, arguing that the current system is 'fundamentally broken'. The statement highlights the failure of the 'hotspot' approach and the 2016 EU-Turkey deal, calling for a shift from 'crisis mode' to a system based on solidarity, human dignity, and the equitable sharing of responsibility among all EU member states. It specifically advocates for safe passage channels and the rejection of policies that externalise border controls.

The report provides a case study of the Fuouaris Upload network, a pro-ISIS ecosystem on Facebook that used account hijacking, content masking, and coordinated 'raids' to spread propaganda. Between April 7 and July 3, 2020, researchers tracked 288 accounts, finding that a core group of 90 was controlled by a single user, Luqmen Ben Tachafin. The network expanded to SoundCloud and utilized multilingual communities (including Indonesian, Somali, and Albanian) to bypass moderation. The report highlights the use of COVID-19 narratives to celebrate death tolls and the exploitation of virtual phone number apps to hijack accounts, arguing that Facebook's reliance on AI and hashing is insufficient without 'street level' understanding of extremist tactics.

The report examines the lack of controls on the manufacture, import, and export of law enforcement equipment in South Africa that facilitates torture. It identifies a domestic industry producing inherently abusive tools, such as stun belts and electrified shields, and highlights the gap between South Africa's international human rights obligations and its domestic trade practices.

The document identifies the Technical Assistance (TA) Facility for the Global Subnational Climate Fund as a Category I-2 environmental and social safeguards project. It lists target countries across Africa, Asia-Pacific, Latin America and the Caribbean, and the Mediterranean, and confirms that an Environmental and Social Management System (ESMS) has been disclosed in multiple languages to comply with requirements.