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The author argues that while globalisation drives unprecedented economic growth through comparative advantage and market efficiency, it creates a 'race to the bottom' where nations compete for volatile capital by slashing corporate taxes and deregulation. This process potentially erodes public funding for welfare, labour protections, and environmental standards. While the author finds evidence of a downward trend in global corporate tax rates, they note that reputational risks and NGO watchdogs may moderate the degradation of labour and environmental standards. The document concludes that managing these negative effects requires stronger, more democratic global governance, including the potential creation of a World Tax Authority and an International Financial Stability and Harmonisation Authority.

The research employs two survey experiments with Japanese participants to test the application of group threat theory to international relations. The findings indicate that Japanese individuals adopt more hardline attitudes toward territorial and historical disputes with South Korea specifically when they perceive Japan's economic power is declining relative to South Korea's rising economy. The study concludes that this effect is triggered by the relative shift in economic power rather than the absolute decline of the ingroup or the rise of the outgroup alone.

The document examines the complex geopolitical landscape of the Middle East through a series of expert perspectives. Key themes include the failure of Western 'exceptionalism' in diplomacy, the systemic human rights abuses in countries like Egypt and Saudi Arabia, and the critical role of water scarcity as a driver of intra-state conflict. It provides detailed analysis of the 'bottom-up' stabilization efforts in Iraq via local ceasefires, the strategic threat of Iranian nuclear proliferation, and the use of public diplomacy by non-state actors like Hizbollah. Additionally, it addresses the stalled peace process between Israel and Palestine and the specific challenges of the Cyprus division.

The document analyzes the 'East Asian Peace', a significant reduction in battle deaths in East Asia between 1980 and 2005 compared to the 1946–1979 period. The author argues that this peace was not the result of a single event but a series of staggered political transitions across the region. Key drivers identified include a shift in leadership priorities toward export-driven economic growth and a strategic alignment with the United States. The paper contrasts this with the 'European Peace', noting that the East Asian case does not fit the liberal peace model due to a lack of widespread democratization and political integration.

The study finds that autocratic regimes are systematically associated with higher levels of industrialization, measured by railway freight, energy consumption, and manufacturing value added. The authors attribute this to three mechanisms: the narrow social bases of autocracies (which benefit industrial elites), heightened security concerns (driving military-industrial capacity), and the availability of coercive policy tools to override opposition to dislocating industrial reforms.

The analysis explores the experiences of 'peripheral' doctoral students in a UK-based professional doctorate programme, focusing on the tensions between their professional expertise and their novice status in academia. It identifies four primary categories of challenges: the struggle for belonging and social isolation, complexities in supervisory relationships, identity and language dissonance, and the psychological impact of 'impostor syndrome'. The authors argue that while distance programmes provide necessary flexibility, they often create a disconnect with the broader university infrastructure. The study highlights the value of the 'cohort model' in building social capital and suggests that institutional support, such as cross-cultural training and flexible enrolment options, is essential for the success of non-traditional students.

The report asserts that existing production and export capacities are sufficient to meet global fossil gas demand, which is expected to peak before 2030. It highlights that demand declines in developed economies, such as the EU, Japan, and South Korea, will offset potential increases in emerging economies. The document concludes by calling for financial institutions to halt all support for fossil gas expansion, including new gas fields and LNG export terminals.

The report finds a significant imbalance in energy financing among the 65 largest global banks, with a ratio of 0.42:1 in favor of fossil fuels over sustainable power supply between 2021 and 2024. This is far below the 6:1 ratio by 2030 recommended by the IEA's Net Zero Emissions scenario. While European banks show slightly better ratios, financing for sustainable power remains heavily concentrated in OECD countries and China, leaving emerging markets underfunded. The report also criticizes banks for using 'blurry' targets and problematic technologies like CCUS and bioenergy to inflate their green credentials.

The document critiques the ECB's climate roadmap as insufficient and proposes a comprehensive set of recommendations to align the bank's operations with the Paris Agreement. It advocates for replacing 'market neutrality' with a climate-aligned benchmark, decarbonising the collateral framework and asset purchases, and adjusting refinancing operations like TLTROs to penalise carbon-intensive lending. Additionally, it calls for the integration of climate risks into internal credit ratings and the implementation of stricter prudential capital requirements (Pillar I and II) for fossil fuel exposures to ensure financial stability and support the EU's low-carbon transition.

The document examines the role of the European Central Bank (ECB) in the climate transition, arguing that its monetary and prudential policies currently provide insufficient support for decarbonization. It highlights that the ECB's asset purchases and collateral frameworks continue to support high-carbon issuers and that its risk models minimize climate-related risks. The briefing proposes a 'green' ECB model featuring dual interest rates for green lending, the exclusion of fossil fuel developers from asset purchases, and increased capital requirements for banks lacking credible 1.5°C transition plans.

Two years after the Paris financial center committed to coal exit strategies, Reclaim Finance finds a mixed record. While 24 of 54 analyzed actors have robust policies, others lack them entirely or have significant gaps, such as failing to exclude coal developers or lacking clear exit dates. Major banks like BNP Paribas, Société Générale, Crédit Agricole, and Natixis remain under scrutiny for continuing to support coal companies without credible transition plans.

The statement critiques the ECB's July 2021 climate strategy for having a slow implementation timeline and significant gaps in its roadmap. It specifically highlights the failure to include the collateral framework in climate criteria and the imprecise wording regarding corporate asset purchases, which may allow continued support for fossil fuel companies. The author recommends an immediate cut to support for companies obstructing the green transition, the use of refinancing operations for energy efficiency, and the adoption of a precautionary approach to climate risks to avoid stranded assets.

The report proposes 'natural capitalism' as a new economic model where businesses profit by radically increasing resource productivity, eliminating waste, shifting from selling products to providing services, and investing in the restoration of natural capital. It argues that the current industrial model is logically flawed because it liquidates the ecosystem services upon which all life depends. By applying whole-systems thinking, the authors claim companies can achieve significant cost savings and competitive advantages, citing examples from firms like Southwire, Dow, and Interface. The text suggests that while governments can support this transition through tax policy, corporations possess the necessary agility and resources to lead the effort to heal the planet.

The report posits that climate change is an artifact of resource inefficiency and that mitigating it can be done at a profit. It highlights that energy efficiency, switching to low-carbon fuels, and improving forestry and farming practices can reduce greenhouse gas emissions while lowering costs for businesses and governments. The text argues against the necessity of nuclear power, citing its high cost and market failure, and instead promotes wind, solar, and combined-cycle gas turbines. It suggests that market-oriented policies, such as those established by the Kyoto Protocol and the Montreal Treaty, can incentivize carbon reductions through trading mechanisms. The document concludes that the transition to a low-carbon economy can be managed without net job losses, provided there is transitional support for displaced workers in the fossil fuel sector.

The text proposes the 'Hypercar' as a solution to the inefficiencies and environmental damage of the traditional steel-based automobile industry. By combining ultralight composite materials, low-drag design, and hybrid-electric propulsion (specifically hydrogen fuel cells), Hypercars could drastically reduce fuel consumption and emissions. However, the author emphasizes that technological efficiency alone cannot solve traffic congestion or urban sprawl, necessitating a shift toward 'New Urbanist' design, market-based parking costs, and improved community planning to reduce the necessity of car travel.

The text analyzes 'industrial metabolism,' contrasting the circularity of biological systems with the linear, wasteful nature of industrial production. It quantifies the massive scale of material waste in the United States, the social waste of unemployment and incarceration, and the financial waste embedded in the GDP. The author contends that GDP is a flawed metric because it counts environmental and social decay as economic growth, and calls for a new economic model that values natural and human capital to ensure long-term viability.

The text outlines six categories for increasing industrial energy and material productivity: design, new technologies, controls, corporate culture, new processes, and saving materials. It advocates for a shift from linear 'once-through' material flows to circular systems inspired by nature (biomimicry), suggesting that systematic application of these efficiencies could reduce total material flows by a factor of one hundred or more.

The author contends that selling nuclear power reactors facilitates the proliferation of atomic bombs because these reactors produce plutonium. The text advocates for a strategy of improving energy efficiency and deploying transitional fossil-fuel technologies to allow time for a shift to sun, wind, and organic conversion energy sources.

The Rocky Mountain Institute (RMI) proposes a comprehensive federal strategy to cut U.S. greenhouse gas emissions and oil use by approximately 50% by 2020. The framework prioritizes reducing energy demand through efficiency in buildings, transport, and industry before substituting supply with renewables and biofuels. Key recommendations include implementing 'feebates' for vehicles, establishing a 'Smart Grid', and creating a national 'energy corps' for workforce training. RMI argues that climate protection is profitable and that the U.S. should move toward a system where all energy production and saving methods compete fairly without distorting subsidies.

The paper contends that nuclear power is experiencing a global collapse due to excessive capital costs and financial risks, making it unfinanceable in private markets. It asserts that 'negawatts' (energy efficiency) and 'micropower' (distributed renewables and cogeneration) are cheaper, faster to deploy, and more reliable alternatives. The authors argue that investing in nuclear power actually worsens climate change by diverting funds from more cost-effective carbon-reduction options. The document further claims that nuclear power fails to enhance energy security due to dependencies on foreign uranium and fuel-cycle technology, and increases proliferation risks.