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Friends of the Earth International proposes a revised Target 8 for the post-2020 global biodiversity framework. The briefing argues that the target should focus on reducing greenhouse gas emissions from agriculture and deforestation, ensuring mitigation measures do not harm biodiversity, and prioritizing ecosystem-based approaches. It specifically calls for the removal of a quantitative carbon sequestration goal of 10 GtCO2-e per year, arguing that carbon accounting is an imprecise metric for biodiversity and risks promoting monoculture plantations or the commodification of nature.

The briefing recommends that Target 8 focus on reducing biodiversity threats from climate change and ensuring mitigation efforts do not harm ecosystems. It specifically argues for the removal of a 10 Gt CO2-e annual mitigation target, asserting that carbon is an inappropriate metric for biodiversity and could incentivize the destruction of species-rich ecosystems in favor of monoculture plantations or BECCS projects.

The briefing note proposes that Target 8 should focus on reducing biodiversity threats from climate change and ensuring that mitigation efforts do not harm ecosystems. It specifically argues for the removal of a target to contribute '10 Gt CO2-e per year', asserting that carbon is an inappropriate metric for biodiversity and could incentivize the destruction of species-rich ecosystems in favor of monoculture plantations or BECCS projects.

The document argues that the COVID-19 pandemic and the climate crisis share analytical similarities as global shocks that exacerbate existing inequalities. It identifies six key lessons for South Africa: the necessity of accessible social protection, the need to value care work, the requirement for a strong and proactive state, the importance of localising industrial processes, the necessity of international cooperation, and the need to center justice in responses to mitigate worsening inequalities.

The report examines the conflict between WTO farm subsidy rules and public stockholding programs used by developing countries for food security. It analyzes the impact of outdated reference prices and proposes five potential paths toward a permanent solution, concluding that a modified version of the 2013 Bali Decision is the most viable approach.

The report analyzes the challenges developing countries face when purchasing food at administered prices for public stockholding, which often exceeds WTO Aggregate Measure of Support (AMS) limits. It evaluates the 2013 Bali 'peace clause' and proposes five options for a permanent solution: updating reference periods for AMS calculations, redefining eligible production, exempting support when administered prices are below international levels, exempting Least Developed Countries (LDCs) and small economies, and expanding the Bali decision framework. The authors conclude that a modified Bali decision, combined with technical corrections to reference prices and production calculations, is the most promising path forward, provided transparency and anti-circumvention measures are maintained.

The briefing proposes a coal tax for Indonesia to address the environmental and health costs of coal, which accounts for 40% of the energy sector's carbon emissions. Drawing on India's experience with a coal 'cess', the authors suggest a tax of IDR 78,700 (USD 5.50) per tonne, which could generate IDR 49 trillion (USD 3.6 billion) annually. This revenue could fund a just transition, compensate vulnerable households for rising electricity prices, and incentivize clean energy investment. The document notes that while Indonesia is considering an emissions trading scheme (ETS) and a carbon tax, these take longer to implement, making a targeted coal tax a more immediate and administratively simpler solution.

The document argues that the choice of corruption definition—whether focusing on individual abuse of power or systemic institutional failure—fundamentally shapes the anti-corruption responses practitioners implement. It contrasts the 'principal-agent' theory, which emphasizes individual control and punishment, with 'collective action' approaches that address underlying social norms and trust. The author emphasizes that practitioners must account for their own 'positionality' and incorporate local knowledge, particularly in non-Western contexts, to develop effective remedies for corruption in natural resource sectors.

The document traces the history of hazardous waste regulation from the 1972 Stockholm Conference to the 2019 entry into force of the Basel Convention's Ban Amendment. It highlights the risks of 'toxic colonialism,' where developed nations export hazardous materials to vulnerable regions. A significant focus is placed on the rapid growth of e-waste and the complexities of defining 'waste' versus 'recyclable products.' The author argues for a more proactive, equity-based approach to waste management to address emerging streams from the energy transition, such as lithium and cobalt.

The statement highlights the continued support of the coal industry by Japanese financial giants Mizuho, SMBC, MUFG, and Tokio Marine, noting billions of dollars in financing and insurance provided to coal developers and projects globally despite climate commitments.

The document emphasizes that climate resilience in India's power sector is essential for sustainable development and economic growth. It recommends moving beyond disaster response toward adaptive planning and technical upgrades, such as energy storage and grid hardening, supported by innovative financing from financial institutions.

The 47th G7 summit reaffirmed commitments to a "green revolution" and the goal of halving collective carbon emissions by 2030, while pledging to end new direct government support for international carbon-intensive fossil fuel energy. However, the document highlights a disconnect between these goals and African realities, where fossil fuels account for approximately 80% of energy supply and many states are planning coal-fired power expansions. While the G7 welcomed the commitment of up to $2 billion via Climate Investment Funds, the document notes this is insufficient compared to the $20-30 billion per year the African Development Bank estimates Africa requires for climate action until 2030. Furthermore, the $100 billion promised by developed countries since COP15 remains unrealised.

The report finds that fossil fuel subsidies in India significantly outweigh those for clean energy, with the disparity increasing from 7 to 7.3 times the size of renewable subsidies between FY 2019 and FY 2020. While electric vehicle subsidies more than doubled by FY 2020, renewable energy subsidies fell nearly 45% from their FY 2017 peak. Additionally, seven major energy public sector undertakings invested 11 times more in fossil fuel projects than in renewable energy projects in FY 2020.

The author asserts that the failure of developed nations to meet the 2010 commitment to mobilise $100bn per year by 2020 for climate action in developing countries erodes international trust and hinders the transition to a net-zero world. Fulfilling this commitment is presented as a catalyst to trigger large-scale private investment in low-carbon solutions and climate-resilient industries, particularly within supply chains where 65-90 per cent of company emissions originate. The text emphasizes that only 21 per cent of these funds currently support adaptation, and argues that increasing this share would protect global economic stability by building resilience in developing nations. The author calls for G20 leadership to combine this funding with mandatory climate risk disclosure and carbon pricing to support the goal of halving global emissions by 2030.

The report evaluates nine financing options for a Universal Basic Income Guarantee (UBIG) in South Africa, focusing on progressive tax measures. Key proposals include a Social Security Tax, a Resource Rent Tax, and the selective removal of tax credits for high earners. The analysis finds that a UBIG aligned with the Food Poverty Line (FPL) for 60% of the population could be fully financed by these measures. The report also models the impact of different implementation speeds on South Africa's national debt and primary balance, suggesting that the FPL grant is the most fiscally feasible over the medium term.

The document argues that African states must shift from a strategy of blocking new negotiations to one of active participation to avoid becoming 'rule takers' in the global trade system. It specifically recommends narrowing the TRIPS waiver proposal to focus solely on COVID-19 vaccines to secure broader support and suggests that African states prioritize a few key development outcomes from the stalled Doha Round while engaging in Joint Statement Initiatives (JSIs) on e-commerce and investment. The brief also emphasizes the need for the African Union to coordinate common policy positions and the establishment of regional vaccine production hubs in countries like South Africa, Senegal, Algeria, and Tunisia.

The report uses the GSI-IF model to analyze 32 countries, representing 77% of global CO2 emissions, to determine the impact of removing fossil fuel subsidies and implementing a 10% fossil energy tax by 2030. It finds that subsidy reform alone could save nearly USD 3 trillion and abate 5.4 GtCO2e, while combining reform with taxation and sustainable energy investment could increase average emission reductions from 6% to 11.8% by 2030.

The document highlights the challenges of rapid urbanization in India, where urban freight contributes significantly to emissions, congestion, and road fatalities. It argues that with demand for urban freight expected to rise by 140 percent this decade, implementing specific freight management measures is essential to lower logistics costs and meet climate goals.

The document analyzes the devastating impact of COVID-19 on South Africa's economy, noting a 7% contraction in 2020 and a record unemployment rate of 32.6% in Q1 2021. It highlights that initial relief measures, such as the R500 billion rescue package, were poorly implemented, with only one-third materializing by February 2021. The brief details severe job losses in construction, trade, and manufacturing, and notes that women and informal workers were disproportionately affected. It specifically identifies a 'second pandemic' of gender-based violence and femicide (GBV-F), with annual costs estimated between R28.4 billion and R42.4 billion. To mitigate these crises, the IEJ recommends replacing the Loan Guarantee Scheme with grants, extending the TERS wage support, reinstating the SRD grant at R585 per month, and increasing public infrastructure spending.

The report argues that deep decarbonization of transportation requires a diverse set of solutions across technology, policy, and behavior, as no single technology can address all subsectors. Key strategies include the deployment of battery electric vehicles (BEVs) for light-duty and short-haul freight, hydrogen and ammonia for heavy-duty and marine transport, and sustainable aviation fuels (SAFs) for aircraft. The authors emphasize that efficiency improvements are a critical near-term tool across all modes. A central policy recommendation is the adoption of a performance-based, adaptive framework, specifically a Low Carbon Fuel Standard (LCFS) transitioning to a Zero-Carbon Fuel Standard (ZCFS) by 2050, to allow various fuels and vehicles to compete while reducing overall carbon intensity. The report also highlights the daunting nature of infrastructure transitions and the uncertainty of consumer behavior and automated vehicle impacts.