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In the first half of 2024, wind and solar power generated 30% of the EU's electricity, surpassing fossil fuels (27%) for the first time. This transition occurred despite a 0.7% increase in electricity demand. Fossil fuel generation fell by 17%, with coal dropping by 24% and gas by 14%. Renewables overall provided 50% of the EU's electricity, aided by a 21% rebound in hydro generation. Power sector emissions decreased by 17% compared to the same period in 2023, and are 31% lower than in the first half of 2022. While capacity additions are high, the report notes a gap between national ambitions and the EU's 2030 targets under the REPowerEU plan, particularly for wind energy.

Analysis of draft NECPs indicates that while EU member states have significantly increased wind and solar targets since 2019, the current trajectory falls short of REPowerEU goals. Renewables are projected to generate 66% of EU electricity by 2030, missing the 72% target. The report highlights a lack of data transparency in the drafts, particularly regarding power system flexibility and post-2030 decarbonisation pathways.

The author advocates for a European Artist Status to combat the precarity of creative work, citing the devastating impact of the Covid-19 pandemic and the emerging threats of AI. The proposal, supported by the European Green Party, aims to establish common standards for employment and social guarantees, ensuring freelancers have access to healthcare, sick leave, and maternity protections. The text highlights the role of artists as essential contributors to European identity and the green transition, while calling for EU-level protections against government censorship in member states like Hungary and Poland.

The Union of Concerned Scientists (UCS) expresses concern over the Atomic Energy Advancement Act (H.R. 6544), arguing that certain provisions threaten the independence of the Nuclear Regulatory Commission (NRC) and national security. The organization recommends rejecting language that would force the NRC to prioritize the efficiency and benefits of nuclear energy over radiological health and safety, rejecting mandates to 'maximize the efficiency' of oversight programs, and maintaining the prohibition on foreign ownership, control, or domination of U.S. nuclear facilities.

The document evaluates how CEE countries have integrated public consultation and multilevel climate and energy dialogues (MCEDs) into their updated NECPs, finding significant variability in quality and frequent failures to meet European law requirements for early and inclusive engagement.

The author contends that the European People's Party (EPP) is actively undermining the European Green Deal and the Nature Restoration Law, moving away from its centrist roots toward a national-conservative ideology. This shift is framed as a strategic attempt to compete with far-right parties, which the author suggests strengthens those movements. The text highlights the precarious position of the Greens, who must now defend moderate policies they previously found insufficiently ambitious, and concludes that the 2024 elections are critical for determining whether the EU continues toward a climate-neutral future.

The report analyzes the energy strategy of the Three Seas Initiative (3SI) countries, finding that planned LNG and pipeline capacity will significantly exceed projected gas demand by 2030. It warns that this creates a risk of stranded assets and security vulnerabilities due to global price volatility. The author advocates for shifting investment from gas infrastructure to wind, solar, and grid interconnectors, noting that 3SI countries could reach a 67% renewable electricity share by 2030.

The EU Emissions Trading System (EU ETS) is a cap-and-trade mechanism designed to reduce greenhouse gas emissions in the power, heavy industry, aviation, and maritime sectors by pricing pollution. It operates by setting a decreasing cap on total emissions, divided into EU Allowances (EUAs), which companies can trade or buy at auction. While the system has raised over €152 billion since 2005, its effectiveness has been historically hampered by an oversupply of permits and the extensive use of free allocations to prevent 'carbon leakage'. A separate system, ETS2, will be introduced in 2027 to cover buildings and road transport. The document highlights concerns regarding the environmental integrity of the current cap relative to the EU's carbon budget and the lack of transparency in how member states spend auction revenues.

The Clean Air Task Force (CATF) argues that carbon capture and storage (CCS) is indispensable for Austria to achieve climate neutrality by 2050, particularly for hard-to-abate sectors like cement, lime, and steel. The document recommends that Austria set specific deployment targets, remove legal barriers to geological CO2 storage, and develop a strategic plan for operationalising storage sites by 2035. To address the 'chicken and egg' problem of infrastructure investment, CATF suggests 'oversizing' transport networks and establishing an aggregation platform to match CO2 sources with sinks. Financially, the document proposes the use of carbon contracts for difference (CCfDs) to bridge the gap between EU ETS prices and decarbonisation costs, while advocating for long-term market demand through near-zero carbon product standards. Finally, it emphasizes the need for proactive public engagement and inclusive stakeholder dialogues to build political and social support for CCS.

In 2023, EU fossil fuel generation fell to less than a third of the electricity mix (33%) for the first time, driven by a record 26% drop in coal generation. Wind and solar combined for 27% of EU electricity, with wind surpassing gas power for the first time. While solar capacity grew by 56 GW, wind generation growth remains inconsistent and below the 15% annual increase needed for REPowerEU targets. EU electricity demand fell by 3.4% in 2023 to its lowest level since 2001, though a rise of 2-3% is projected for 2024. To support this transition, the EU requires significant grid investments—estimated at €584 billion by 2030—and an increase in storage capacity to 200 GW by 2030 to manage variable renewable energy and reduce curtailment.

The authors identify a category of 'risks of response' where climate policies trigger security dynamics, exemplified by widespread farmer protests across Europe. These protests, driven by grievances over fuel subsidies and environmental regulations, have escalated into violence and provided opportunities for far-right parties to foment instability. The text warns that this 'green backlash' could slow the transition and increase global security risks if not managed with better risk assessments and ameliorating measures.

The document argues that large-scale deployment of CCS is essential for Europe to reach climate neutrality by 2050, yet current draft NECPs show significant gaps in targets and planning. It provides a framework for Member States to assess storage capacity, map projects, engage stakeholders, and establish financing and regional cooperation for CO2 transport and storage networks.

The document argues that clean hydrogen should be treated as a 'precious molecule' and prioritised for 'no regrets' hard-to-abate industrial sectors rather than being deployed indiscriminately. It recommends that EU Member States move beyond a sole focus on renewable ('green') hydrogen to include other low-carbon pathways, such as nuclear ('pink') and natural gas with carbon capture ('blue'), to avoid resource constraints. The guide emphasises locating production close to end-users to minimise transport inefficiencies and suggests that hydrogen in transport be limited to heavy-duty trucking, aviation, and shipping, while light-duty vehicles should prioritise electrification. Finally, it advises leveraging EU and national support mechanisms to fund 'champion' projects across the entire value chain.

The document argues that superhot rock (SHR) energy—a subset of Engineered Geothermal Systems that accesses rock temperatures exceeding 400°C—could provide a zero-carbon, firm, and energy-dense power source available globally. It notes a significant gap in current EU planning, where only one country (Italy) mentions SHR in its draft NECP, despite 20 countries planning for geothermal energy. The guide recommends that Member States fund pilot demonstrations, map national SHR resources, contribute to a centralised EU geothermal data repository, develop national geothermal strategies, and create stakeholder collaboration platforms. It highlights that SHR systems can potentially produce up to ten times the energy of conventional geothermal wells and could support the production of clean hydrogen.

The Augures! project uses an integrated modelling framework—combining seasonal forecasts, crop models, and economic models—to help European farmers and policymakers manage climate risks. A 2024 stakeholder workshop in Athens highlighted the need for context-specific, transparent, and actionable climate data to address structural vulnerabilities in the EU agricultural sector, particularly for small-scale farmers. The project aims to expand its analysis of maize and wheat to Greece, France, Romania, and Hungary in 2025, while developing a 'project-to-product' roadmap to transform scientific outputs into a user-friendly decision-support service.

The document analyzes the ascent of the far right, highlighting its use of 'metapolitics' to shift cultural norms and its ability to capitalize on economic and social insecurities. It examines specific national contexts, such as Italy's media capture under Giorgia Meloni and the rise of Vlaams Belang in Flanders, while warning against 'conservative socialism' where left-wing parties adopt far-right rhetoric. The report concludes that defeating the far right requires a positive, inclusive vision of the future rather than mere imitation or moral condemnation.

The report analyzes the online behavior of the German far right, finding that while they utilize 'alt-tech' platforms to evade moderation, they remain heavily reliant on very large online platforms (VLOPs) for reach. It highlights the central role of conspiracy theories, the opportunistic use of crises like COVID-19 and the war in Ukraine, and the increasing importance of audiovisual content.

The report identifies a coordinated effort by anti-abortion networks in France to use social media to spread misinformation and shocking content. It highlights the role of far-right and religious communities, the failure of platforms like Meta and YouTube to consistently enforce health misinformation policies, and the targeting of minors with distressing content.

The report analyzes anti-abortion activity across Facebook, Instagram, YouTube, and X in France from May 2022 to June 2023. It finds that anti-abortion mobilization relies heavily on 'dissuasive content'—including unverified testimonials and graphic imagery—and misinformation about abortion procedures. The research highlights a strong intersection between anti-abortion actors and far-right, anti-LGBTQ+, and religious communities. It specifically identifies the role of algorithmic recommendations on YouTube and Instagram Reels in serving harmful content to users, including minors, and documents the monetization of this content through Meta ads, with one page alone spending over €40,000 to reach millions of impressions, including targeting 13- to 17-year-olds with distressing imagery.

The report analyzes how Russian propaganda has shifted from official state media to semi-covert tactics to bypass EU sanctions, while maintaining significant reach in the MENA region and Latin America. It identifies key vulnerabilities in the Western alliance—including economic stagnation in Germany, US isolationism, and the rise of far-right parties in the EU—that the Kremlin is likely to exploit. Additionally, it examines how Russia instrumentalizes the Israel-Hamas conflict to portray Western 'double standards' and promote a multipolar world order.