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The text advocates for demilitarisation based on the premise that traditional military deterrence is often outdated and that security can be more cost-effectively achieved through non-violent means and human security frameworks. It proposes replacing 'rules of thumb' for military spending with rational cost-effectiveness analysis and objective security assessments. The author suggests that transparency in military budgeting is necessary for parliamentary oversight and that a 'National Ministry of Peacebuilding' should be established to manage the transition. While acknowledging the difficulty of generating a domestic 'peace dividend' in developing nations, the document highlights the potential for long-term economic and social gains through the reallocation of resources from military to civilian sectors.

The author proposes the establishment of a Ministry for Peacebuilding to shift government focus from military-centric security to a 'culture of peace.' This proposed ministry would be responsible for promoting non-violence, managing disarmament, overseeing the conversion of military facilities to civilian use, and redefining national security to include human rights and environmental concerns. The text suggests that such an institution would provide a necessary counter-perspective to the Ministry of Defence and argues that peacebuilding is more effectively carried out by civilians than by military personnel.

The document outlines a comprehensive Monitoring, Evaluation, and Learning (MEL) framework for Haiti's National Adaptation Plan (NAP), which targets 340 adaptation measures in agriculture, health, infrastructure, and water resources. It defines a multi-level indicator system (contextual, strategic, sectoral, and operational) and proposes a phased implementation roadmap from 2026 to 2030. The framework emphasizes gender and social inclusion (GESI), institutional coordination through the Ministry of Environment and the National Committee on Climate Change, and the use of digital platforms for data management and international reporting to the UNFCCC.

The report examines the ethical dilemmas inherent in preparedness policy, highlighting the tension between investing in potential future threats versus immediate needs. It identifies a need for a holistic 'preparedness ethics' to manage trade-offs between military and civil security, national and international priorities, and the protection of humans versus other species.

The document analyzes the illicit arms trade, categorizing it into semi-legal, state-sanctioned, and wholly illicit flows. It argues against the 'amorphous image' of easy global access to weapons, asserting instead that supply and demand are geographically and temporally variable. The authors detail how weapons are diverted from legal stocks, the role of illicit pricing as an indicator of supply constraints, and the multi-level governance structures—societal, national, and international—used to counter trafficking. It also evaluates international instruments like the Arms Trade Treaty and the UN Programme of Action, noting the challenges posed by state complicity and capacity gaps in developing nations.

The report finds that 2025 was the third most violent year since 1989, with 245,000 battle-related deaths. It highlights a record high of 65 state-based conflicts and a concerning doubling of international conflicts to eight in 2025. While non-state conflicts decreased slightly, one-sided violence surged to 76,500 fatalities, primarily driven by massacres in Sudan.

The research demonstrates that states experiencing civil wars are significantly more likely to be involved in militarized interstate disputes (MIDs). Using data from 1946 to 2001, the authors find that this 'civil peace' effect is comparable in magnitude to the 'democratic peace' effect. Analysis of over 400 MIDs reveals that the increased risk is driven by states attempting to influence the outcome of civil wars through direct intervention, externalization (such as cross-border counter-insurgency), and unintended spillovers, rather than by opportunistic attacks on weakened states or diversionary wars to consolidate domestic power.

The paper argues that while digital technologies offer opportunities for efficiency in crisis response, they are not neutral and can compromise fundamental humanitarian principles. It identifies key analytical prisms—humanitarian space, public-private partnerships, resource distribution (e.g., digital food/cash), human relations, and data-driven vulnerabilities—to guide future academic inquiry into the 'technological turn' of humanitarian action.

The authors argue that while digital technologies offer opportunities for efficiency in crisis response, they are not neutral and can compromise core humanitarian principles. The paper identifies five analytical prisms for future research: the politics of humanitarian space, the rise of public-private partnerships, new methods of aid distribution (such as e-transfers), the reorganization of relationships between aid providers and recipients, and the emergence of new data-driven vulnerabilities. It concludes that the 'do no harm' imperative requires a more reflective approach to technology to ensure that digital divides do not marginalize the most vulnerable and that data collection does not create new security risks.

The authors present the During-Conflict Justice (DCJ) dataset, which catalogues 2,205 justice processes across 204 internal armed conflicts in 108 countries between 1946 and 2011. The research identifies that DCJ is a common tool, appearing in over 60% of conflicts since WWII, with governments being the primary adopters (70.4%). The study finds that democratic governments are more likely to use DCJ, particularly trials, truth commissions, and reparations, compared to autocracies. Rebel groups tend to use DCJ more frequently when fighting democracies and as their own relative military strength increases. Analysis suggests that government-initiated DCJ is correlated with a reduction in battle deaths in the following year and a higher likelihood of the conflict ending in a negotiated settlement rather than a military victory.

The study introduces the SEAP dataset, covering missions by the UN, NATO, ECOWAS, and the African Union from 1999 to 2010. Through multivariate logit regression, the authors identify that larger mission sizes and a history of extensive sexual violence in the host country's preceding conflict are the most robust predictors of reported SEA. Other significant factors include lower economic development in host countries and a general increase in reporting after 2005, likely due to heightened international focus following the 2005 Zeid report.

The document examines how ethno-national diasporas influence civil wars through financial contributions, military and political involvement, and international advocacy. It analyzes the dual nature of this influence, noting that while diaspora resources can prolong conflict by sustaining armed groups and hardening political stances, they also offer significant potential for peace through post-conflict reconstruction, the provision of skilled personnel for new institutions, and the promotion of human rights discourses.

The document establishes a business case for gender equality in the decentralised renewable energy (DRE) sector, asserting that women-led businesses are often as profitable as or more profitable than those led by men. It provides a framework of recommendations for DRE companies, civil society organisations (CSOs), and investors to improve gender equality at the community, organisational, and investor levels. The report includes 17 case studies from various global regions demonstrating the impact of gender-sensitive interventions, such as solar kiosks in Togo, feminist microgrid development in Haiti, and technical training for women in Brazil.

A budget vote speech delivered by the Minister of International Relations and Cooperation, Maite Nkoana-Mashabane, to the National Assembly on 31 May 2011. The speech outlines South Africa's foreign policy priorities, its role in regional and global governance, and the operational goals of the Department of International Relations and Cooperation (DIRCO).

The South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA) developed the Climate Change and Economic Vulnerability Index (CEVI) and the Climate Change and Economic Resilience Index (CERI) to address the misalignment of climate finance. Using data from 160 countries, the indices reveal that low-income economies, particularly in Africa, face the highest vulnerability and lowest resilience. An analysis of 2021 OECD adaptation finance flows shows that funds are often misallocated, with more resilient and less vulnerable countries sometimes receiving higher per-person funding than those in the most critical need. The paper recommends that international financial institutions mainstream these indices to ensure needs-based allocation of climate support.

The document outlines a strategic framework for Caribbean nations to 'recover better' from the COVID-19 pandemic by investing in renewable energy and energy efficiency. It highlights the economic benefits, such as GDP growth and job creation, and identifies eight key enablers—including the removal of fossil fuel subsidies and the adoption of cost-reflective tariffs—necessary to transition from centralized, fossil-fuel-dependent power systems to resilient, decentralized green energy infrastructures.

The document explains the mechanics of carbon credits, distinguishing between regulated markets under the Paris Agreement and voluntary markets. It highlights that while Latin America and the Caribbean accounted for 22% of global carbon credit sales in 2021, the region lacks the robust regulation needed to prevent environmental and social risks. The guide warns against over-reliance on the forestry sector, the risk of 'greenwashing' in voluntary markets, and the potential for 'double counting' of emission reductions. It recommends establishing transparent national registries, ensuring fair benefit-sharing with local communities, and prioritizing structural decarbonization over simple offsetting.

The document contains interview transcripts with executives from Denbury Resources, Exxon Mobil, NRG Energy, TECO Energy, and Waste Management (ConocoPhillips participated but declined to be quoted). The interviews explore corporate stances on climate science, the physical risks of climate change to business operations, mitigation efforts, and the funding of political or policy-oriented organizations. Findings reveal a spectrum of responses: some companies acknowledge the risks and invest in clean energy or efficiency, while others avoid taking official positions on climate science or deny that physical climate impacts currently affect their operations.

The report finds that the majority of the world's coral reefs are threatened by human activities and climate change, with projections that nearly all reefs will be threatened by 2050 if current trends continue. While 27% of reefs are in marine protected areas, only 6% are in effectively managed areas. The document emphasizes that reducing local pressures like overfishing and pollution is critical to increasing reef resilience against warming seas and ocean acidification.

The document reports that over 60% of the world's coral reefs are currently threatened by local human activities, with projections suggesting this could rise to nearly 100% by 2050 if left unchecked. It identifies key local stressors as overfishing, destructive fishing, coastal development, and pollution, alongside global threats like coral bleaching and ocean acidification caused by greenhouse gas emissions. The text emphasizes that countries such as the Philippines, Indonesia, Kiribati, Vanuatu, Tanzania, and Haiti are very highly vulnerable to reef loss due to high dependence on reef services and low adaptive capacity.