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The document examines the discovery of natural gas in the Eastern Mediterranean and the subsequent formation of political alliances between Greece, Cyprus, Israel, and Egypt. It evaluates three primary monetisation strategies: the East Med pipeline to Europe, a pipeline to Turkey, and a triangular strategy using Egypt as a gas hub. The author argues that while these projects are politically desirable for regional security and EU diversification, they face severe technical, financial, and geopolitical obstacles—including high construction costs, seismic risks, and volatile global gas prices—that may render them commercially unviable.

The paper analyzes the dual perception of the Mediterranean as both a 'threatening' and 'bridging' sea. It details the transition of Turkey from the Ottoman Empire to a secular republic based on a constructed Hittite identity, and compares this to Israel's own nation-building. The author argues that Israel, Greece, and Cyprus share common interests as small non-Muslim states facing external coercion and the decline of Middle Eastern Christianity, leading to increased military and intelligence cooperation.

The document argues that a combination of systemic shifts—including a regional power vacuum, the discovery of hydrocarbons, and a more hostile Turkish foreign policy—and the pro-Western orientation of the Nikos Anastasiades government enabled Cyprus to move from a reactive to a proactive foreign policy. This shift is manifested in 'trilateral partnerships' with Greece, Israel, and Egypt, which serve as a balancing strategy against Turkey. While these efforts have enhanced Cyprus's regional role and security, the author suggests they may have led the government to overlook the domestic and intercommunal complexities of the Cyprus Problem.

The document analyzes Greece's strategic shift in the Eastern Mediterranean, emphasizing the role of personal beliefs of policymakers like Nikos Kotzias in shaping a 'diverse active policy'. It details Greece's efforts to establish trilateral partnerships with Israel, Egypt, and Cyprus to counter Turkish influence and leverage hydrocarbon discoveries. Central to this strategy is the ambition to become a regional energy hub through projects like the EastMed pipeline and electrical interconnectors, while positioning Greece as an 'exporter of stability' within a 'triangle of instability' comprising Ukraine, Libya, and Syria.

The report examines the shift in Eastern Mediterranean geopolitics driven by hydrocarbon discoveries and the formation of trilateral partnerships (Greece-Cyprus-Israel and Greece-Cyprus-Egypt). It analyzes these alliances as a balancing act against Turkey's regional power projection and assertive foreign policy. While energy is a primary driver, the report notes that technical, economic, and political obstacles—such as the viability of the EastMed pipeline and maritime boundary disputes—hinder full monetization of gas reserves. The text also explores the domestic drivers of foreign policy in Cyprus and Greece, the historical perceptions of the region from an Israeli perspective, and Turkey's strategic ambition to become a regional energy hub.

ClientEarth warns that the Governance Regulation (GR) may allow EU Member States to bypass meaningful public participation during the initial drafting of National Energy and Climate Plans (NECPs). The briefing argues that waiting until after the first draft is submitted to the European Commission risks ignoring the interests of citizens and renewable energy developers in favor of fossil fuel operators. It highlights potential legal breaches of the Aarhus Convention and the SEA Directive, noting that some countries, such as Romania, have provided insufficient consultation windows (seven days). ClientEarth calls for a minimum eight-week consultation period before the first draft submission to ensure all policy options remain open.

The briefing contends that the distinction between adaptation and development projects is counter-productive and that adaptation should be viewed as 'doing development differently in response to climate change.' It proposes a framework for maximizing the impact of scarce adaptation finance by establishing strong climate rationales, building national adaptive capacity across four key areas, and shifting toward devolved decision-making to empower local communities.

The author examines the tension between maintaining the US-led 'nuclear sharing' system and pursuing European strategic autonomy. While some propose a Franco-German nuclear cooperation to replace the US umbrella, the author warns against European militarism and instead advocates for a diplomatic strategy of preventive denuclearization, drawing on the Rapacki Plan to reduce nuclear stockpiles in Europe and move toward a world without nuclear weapons.

The authors examine the struggle of Social Democratic, Green, and far-left parties in the EU, noting their failure to translate voter concerns about climate change and unemployment into electoral success. They argue that the material prosperity brought by globalisation has complicated traditional left-wing appeals, while a sense of 'declinism' has benefited right-wing populists. The document suggests that progressives should avoid narratives of societal decline and instead offer a hopeful vision of the future to regain political influence.

The author argues that opposition to immigration is a pervasive popular movement across Europe, regardless of a country's ethnic homogeneity or immigration policy. This trend is contributing to political polarization and a potential 'de-democratization' process, particularly as it aligns with skepticism toward supranational solutions like the EU. The text highlights a divide between 'new' and 'old' Europe, noting that some Eastern European countries lack the same norms of tolerance as Western Europe, which influences their resistance to EU refugee quotas.

The Achmea ruling establishes that ISDS provisions are incompatible with EU law when they sideline domestic courts and undermine the EU's judicial system. While the ruling explicitly applies to bilateral investment treaties (BITs) between EU Member States, the briefing argues that the same reasoning likely renders agreements with third countries impermissible if the tribunals are not part of the EU judiciary, may interpret EU law, and lack full judicial review by Member State courts. This creates significant legal uncertainty, potentially making awards unenforceable and hindering the negotiation of new treaties containing investment arbitration.

The Achmea judgment establishes that ISDS provisions are incompatible with EU law when they sideline domestic courts and undermine the EU's judicial system. While the ruling explicitly applies to bilateral investment treaties (BITs) between EU Member States, the briefing argues that the same reasoning likely renders agreements with third countries impermissible. This is because such tribunals are not part of the EU judicial system, may resolve disputes relating to EU law, and their awards lack sufficient review by Member State courts. Consequently, this creates significant legal uncertainty, potentially making awards won by non-EU investors unenforceable and hindering the negotiation of new agreements containing investment arbitration.

The report asserts that CETA facilitates trade expansion by reducing regulatory burdens, which leads to the harmonization of regulations toward the lowest common denominator and the elimination of precautionary measures. It highlights four areas of concern: domestic regulatory disciplines that limit licensing authority, increased pressure from Canadian mining companies on Greek regulations, vulnerabilities in EU industrial pollution controls, and the restriction of Member States' ability to regulate toxic pesticides.

The report examines Nestlé's infant milk products across 40 countries, finding that the company often uses nutritional science as a marketing tool rather than a formulation guide. It highlights inconsistencies where products contain ingredients like sucrose and flavourings that Nestlé's own labels advise against in other markets. Furthermore, the report notes that Nestlé uses health claims for probiotics and prebiotics in some regions despite these being prohibited in the EU due to insufficient evidence. The investigation concludes that product development is driven by consumer trends and profit maximization, leading to 'premium' products with varying compositions and prices that lack a clear scientific rationale.

In 2017, renewables generated 30% of Europe's electricity for the first time, with wind, solar, and biomass overtaking coal generation. However, overall EU greenhouse gas emissions rose by approximately 1% due to increasing electricity consumption and a significant drop in hydro generation, which was the lowest this century. While Western European nations like the Netherlands, Italy, and Portugal announced coal phase-outs, Eastern European countries continued to rely on coal. The report also highlights the impact of the EU Emissions Trading System (ETS) reforms and the ongoing negotiations of the Clean Energy for All Europeans package.

The brief finds that while 66% of EU cities have climate plans, there is significant disparity based on city size and national legislation. National mandates in countries like Denmark and the UK significantly increase the likelihood of cities having plans, while many cities in Spain and Italy rely on international networks like the Covenant of Mayors due to a lack of national guidance.

The document examines the Eastern Mediterranean's transition from a strategic space used by great powers to a distinct geopolitical region. It analyzes the shift toward multipolarity and the emergence of 'proto-regionalism' through trilateral partnerships involving Greece, Cyprus, Israel, and Egypt. While identifying potential for an Eastern Mediterranean Cooperation Council (EMCC) based on the Gulf Cooperation Council model, the author highlights significant obstacles, including the role of Turkey, the Cyprus conflict, and energy disputes.

The document contends that the widespread panic regarding 'populism' as a threat to democracy is misplaced because populism is often a secondary ideology. The author distinguishes between left-wing populists, who are generally not anti-pluralist, and the radical right, whose threat to liberal democracy is rooted in xenophobic nationalism and anti-immigration agendas. The text highlights that the real danger lies in the broader corrosion of fundamental freedoms and the rule of law, often adopted by mainstream parties in the name of national security and identity.

The summer of 2017 saw extreme heat across Southern Europe, including the 'Lucifer' heat wave in early August. World Weather Attribution analysis indicates that human-induced climate change significantly increased the likelihood of these events. A summer as hot as 2017 is now estimated to have a 1 in 10 annual chance in the Euro-Mediterranean region and is projected to become normal weather by the middle of the century under continued greenhouse gas emissions.

The Independent Redress Mechanism (IRM) report for the first three quarters of 2017 details the establishment of its unit, including the recruitment of three full-time staff and membership in the Independent Accountability Mechanism Network (IAMnet). The IRM has developed draft updated terms of reference and is working on procedures and guidelines, a case management system, and a Memorandum of Cooperation for accredited entities. It has provided feedback on GCF safeguard policies and reported that no complaints or requests for reconsideration of funding decisions were received during the period. As of 31 August 2017, the IRM had spent 39% of its approved start-up budget, totaling 385,212 USD.