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The Human Rights Committee (CCPR) has increased its focus on climate change, issuing more recommendations and questions to states between 2019 and 2021. While early outputs primarily targeted Small Island Developing States and developing countries, the Committee has expanded its scope to include developed nations like Germany and Canada. Key areas of inquiry include mitigation, adaptation, procedural rights, and the regulation of private actors, with specific concerns raised regarding fossil fuel extraction in Guyana, Tanzania, and São Tomé and Príncipe. In the case of Teitiota v. New Zealand, the CCPR recognized that climate change could trigger non-refoulment obligations if it creates real threats to the right to life, though it found no breach in that specific instance. Additionally, the Pereira Benega v. Paraguay ruling established a precedent for state obligations to prevent environmental threats to private, family, and cultural life.

The report presents survey data from 108,946 Facebook users worldwide, revealing high global levels of worry and belief that climate change is happening, though perceptions of its causes and the responsibility for action vary significantly by region. While there is widespread support for renewable energy and the belief that climate action will not harm economic growth, willingness to engage in organized climate activism remains low in most regions, with a notable exception in Sub-Saharan Africa.

The European Electricity Review 2022 methodology outlines how Ember aggregates electricity data for 32 countries. It uses Eurostat for historical data up to 2019 and primarily the ENTSO-E transparency platform for more recent monthly generation data, with specific national sources used to correct known inaccuracies in countries like Italy, Finland, and the Netherlands. Generation capacity is sourced from IRENA for renewables and nuclear, and Global Energy Monitor for coal and gas. Carbon intensity for the EU power sector is calculated using European Environment Agency and Eurostat data for 2000-2019, with 2020 and 2021 estimates based on standard emissions factors for hard coal, lignite, fossil gas, and other fossil fuels.

The report finds that Canada's comprehensive wealth grew by only 7 per cent per person between 1980 and 2013, a rate significantly lower than the 54 per cent growth in individual consumption over the same period. While Canada remains the wealthiest G7 nation per capita, it has the lowest growth rate in comprehensive wealth among that group. The analysis reveals a stark decline in market natural capital, stagnant human capital, and produced capital growth that is dangerously concentrated in housing and oil and gas extraction. The document advocates for the federal government to fund Statistics Canada to regularly report comprehensive wealth measures to guide a transition toward a low-carbon, diversified economy.

The document explores the 'brownfield to brightfield' transition, where contaminated or abandoned mine sites are repurposed for renewable energy. It highlights two primary examples: the SunMine solar project in Kimberley, BC, and the Windpark Hünxe in Ruhr, Germany. Both cases demonstrate how utilizing former mining land can reduce financial liabilities, leverage existing electrical infrastructure, and provide community economic benefits while mitigating greenhouse gas emissions.

The document provides a comprehensive toolkit for civil society to combat online antisemitism. It analyzes how extremists use social media and 'alt-tech' platforms to normalize hate, examines legislative frameworks in the EU, Germany, France, and the UK, and offers strategies for engaging with platforms and governments. It emphasizes a shift from simple content removal to systemic regulation and the importance of digital citizenship education.

The report analyzes the Odysee platform as a case study in how blockchain-based 'incentivised' social media allows right-wing extremists to bypass traditional demonetization and generate income. Through content and financial analysis, the authors find that while the platform is not exclusively right-wing, its libertarian architecture and LBRY Credits (LBC) provide financial incentives and a 'censorship-resistant' haven. Findings show that established scene figures benefit most, with some accounts earning significant sums, though total earnings are highly volatile due to LBC price fluctuations. The report argues that 'decentralized' marketing often masks the platform's ability to perform central moderation like geoblocking and delisting, and recommends that regulators include these monetization affordances in action plans against right-wing extremism.

The report finds that while the French information ecosystem showed relative resilience during the 2022 elections, there was a significant rise in domestic anti-system narratives and far-right mobilisation. The limited impact of destabilisation efforts is attributed to the war in Ukraine diverting Russian resources, institutional pressure from the French government and EU (specifically the Digital Services Act), the regulated nature of the French electoral system, and the continued influence of traditional media. However, the authors warn of a growing trend of distrust in democratic institutions and the normalisation of polarising rhetoric by far-right actors using coordinated inauthentic behaviour and astroturfing.

The Institute for Strategic Dialogue (ISD) monitored the 2022 French elections, finding that while Russian state-backed influence was limited due to EU bans, domestic non-state actors and far-right figures effectively leveraged social media to spread anti-establishment narratives. Key tactics included coordinated inauthentic behaviour by Éric Zemmour's campaign, the cross-platform monetisation of fake vaccination passes, and the mainstreaming of the 'Great Replacement' conspiracy theory. The report highlights significant gaps in platform content moderation, particularly regarding online abuse of candidates and voter fraud narratives, and recommends stronger regulatory oversight and data transparency from social media companies.

The document outlines the evolution of right-wing extremist online activity in Germany, from early forums and websites to modern 'alt-tech' platforms and encrypted messengers. It establishes a working definition of right-wing extremism as 'a form of nationalism characterised by its reference to racial, ethnic or cultural supremacy' and details the role of deplatforming in driving users toward unregulated spaces. Expert interviews highlight the growing importance of audiovisual platforms like TikTok and Telegram, as well as the intermingling of right-wing extremism with conspiracy theories and misogynistic 'manosphere' content.

The report analyzes the role of Telegram as a 'buttress' for far-right and conspiracy-oriented actors in Germany. Through link analysis of 238 channels, it finds that while Telegram serves as a primary hub and file-sharing tool, these actors continue to strategically use established platforms like YouTube despite regulatory efforts such as the NetzDG. The study highlights the influence of 'power users' like Attila Hildmann, who build complex networks of channels to maximize reach and circumvent platform restrictions.

The research analyzes external voting data from parliamentary and presidential elections for migrants from Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Lithuania, Latvia, Poland, and Romania living in 17 European host countries. It employs the Pedersen index to measure the discrepancy between diaspora and domestic voting results and uses V-dem Party database dimensions to assess ideological differences. The findings generally indicate that diaspora voters are more liberal, less populist, and more economically right-wing than domestic voters, though their voting trends often mirror the dynamics of their countries of origin. The report also notes that the size and influence of these voting blocs are increasing, with the Bulgarian diaspora having the highest relative impact on national election results.

The document examines Redeyef, a marginalised Tunisian mining town where economic decline and corruption have made migration a primary strategy for hope. While most young adults aspire to migrate and many have ties abroad, regular pathways are increasingly difficult, leading to a rise in risky irregular migration. Despite strong transnational ties, remittances are limited to a minority of households and have not significantly contributed to the town's collective development.

The document argues that the war in Ukraine is causing a diversion of development aid from the Global South. This occurs through three primary mechanisms: the use of the OECD '12-month-rule' to count domestic refugee-hosting costs as ODA, the reallocation of national budgets toward increased military and defence spending, and the anticipation of massive post-war reconstruction costs in Ukraine. The authors warn that this shift undermines the quality and extent of aid, potentially leaving root causes of instability in vulnerable regions unaddressed.

The report analyzes the EU's Taxonomy Delegated Act of February 2nd, 2022, which classifies certain gas and nuclear energy activities as "transitional." Reclaim Finance argues that the criteria for gas-fired plants are too lenient, potentially leading to stranded assets and incompatibility with the 1.5C goal. It further contends that new nuclear reactors are unsuitable as transitional activities due to long construction times and unresolved long-term waste management costs.

The report presents a vision for a healthy planet based on solidarity, equality, and living within planetary boundaries. It argues that current economic metrics like GDP fuel environmental degradation and calls for a shift toward health and well-being. Based on a survey of over 900 youth from 89 countries, it highlights widespread climate anxiety and a perceived lack of youth agency in global governance. The authors propose specific policy pathways, including a Global Resilience Mechanism for social security, inclusive disaster risk reduction, and a rapid low-carbon transition. It emphasizes the need to move beyond tokenistic youth representation toward meaningful decision-making power and comprehensive climate education.

The document explains 'event attribution' as a scientific method to determine how much human-induced climate change affects the probability and intensity of specific weather extremes. It provides a detailed breakdown of how climate change influences heatwaves, floods, tropical cyclones, snowfalls, droughts, and wildfires, while cautioning against oversimplifying these events as having a single cause. The guide emphasizes that while some trends (like heatwaves) are globally certain, others (like floods or droughts) vary by region and are influenced by local human factors such as land use and water management.

The Changing Markets Foundation and partner organisations inform Groupe Bigard that it scored 0 out of 100 in a ranking of global meat and dairy companies' climate policies, specifically noting a lack of methane emission reporting and reduction targets. The letter demands disclosure of investments in methane abatement and meat alternatives and recommends the adoption of science-based targets aligned with a 1.5°C limit, including scope 3 emissions.

The author contends that the current global political economy is a 'neocolonial debt regime' where Global South nations are forced to divert funds from climate preparedness to pay creditors in the Global North. Using Belize as a case study, the text illustrates how debt-to-GDP ratios hinder public health and ecological resilience. The document calls for a shift from an 'insulting' aid-based model to a reparations-based framework, including the cancellation of all Global South debt, the implementation of 'climate-health-debt swaps', and the democratisation of international financial institutions like the IMF and World Bank.

The document examines the G20/OECD Inclusive Framework's 'Two-Pillar Solution' to tax challenges from the digitalisation of the economy, highlighting how current global tax fragmentation allows multinational corporations to avoid taxes. It argues that African and least-developed countries suffer disproportionate revenue losses as a share of GDP and are underrepresented in negotiations. The brief criticizes the agreement for a high turnover threshold that limits the number of taxable companies and for a minimum corporate tax rate of 15% that some African nations find too low. It recommends increasing African participation, moving negotiations to a neutral UN forum, and providing technical and financial support to ensure equitable implementation.