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Climate Outreach identifies 2020 as a critical year for climate action, noting a rise in public concern driven by the IPCC and activists like Greta Thunberg. The organization aims to move beyond 'environmentalists' to reach marginalized communities, shift social norms, and ensure people-centred policy through tools like citizens' assemblies. Key priorities for 2020 include driving climate conversations, updating visual imagery, urging governments to fulfill public engagement commitments, and accelerating behavioral change.

The analysis examines the shift in Germany's relationship with the Visegrad Group from one of normative leadership to pragmatic economic cooperation. While economic ties remain strong, political rifts over democracy, the rule of law, and migration have eroded Berlin's influence. The author argues that Germany's avoidance of these contentious issues to protect geoeconomic interests hampers the EU's collective sovereignty and effectiveness, particularly as Germany prepares for its 2020 EU presidency.

The document examines Ghana's engagement with the G20 Compact with Africa (CwA), noting that while the country has a strong appetite for reform, many commitments were already part of IMF programmes. It finds that while FDI generally increased between 2015 and 2018, there is little evidence that this was caused by the CwA, and the level of investment has not been commensurate with the reforms required. The author argues for a more inclusive, all-government approach and stronger engagement with the domestic private sector to unlock meaningful investment.

This guide by Friends of the Earth International (ATI) outlines a conceptual framework for gender justice, advocating for a 'popular anti-capitalist feminism' to dismantle the interconnected systems of patriarchy, capitalism, racism, and neocolonialism. It defines the sexual division of labor as a tool for capitalist accumulation and explains how ecofeminism highlights the parallel exploitation of women and nature. The document provides definitions for gender identity and sexual orientation, and offers six practical recommendations for member organizations to promote gender justice and challenge patriarchal power structures.

The document defines patriarchy as a system of oppression that exploits women's bodies and labor to benefit men and the capitalist system. It advocates for a 'popular and anticapitalist feminism' to dismantle interconnected systems of oppression, including racism, classism, and neocolonialism. The guide emphasizes the role of ecofeminism in highlighting the parallel exploitation of nature and women within an extractivist model and provides a framework for implementing gender justice within organizations and communities.

This guide by Friends of the Earth International (FoEI) frames gender justice and the dismantling of patriarchy as essential components of systemic change. It defines patriarchy as a system that exploits women's bodies and work for the benefit of men, operating through a sexual division of labour that separates public (paid/decision-making) and private (unpaid/care) spaces. The text employs an intersectional analysis, explaining how patriarchy interlinks with capitalism, racism, neocolonialism, and heteronormativity to maintain power hierarchies. It specifically highlights ecofeminism to illustrate the parallel exploitation of women and nature within a capitalist extractivist model. The document concludes by advocating for alliances between feminist movements, Indigenous Peoples, and environmental justice activists to achieve a world of autonomy and equality.

The report details how the Committee on the Rights of the Child (CRC) integrates climate change into its monitoring of the International Convention on the Rights of the Child (ICRC). It analyzes the CRC's use of General Comments, State reporting procedures, and the communications procedure to hold States accountable for protecting children from climate harms. Key findings highlight a growing trend of climate-related recommendations, particularly for Small Island Developing States (SIDS) and Least Developed Countries (LDCs), and a strong emphasis on children's procedural rights to participation and education. The document also notes a landmark 2019 Joint Statement by five human rights treaty bodies asserting that failure to prevent foreseeable climate-related human rights harm could constitute a violation of State obligations.

The report investigates the potential for a new on-tax financing model (EuroPACE) to drive deep energy efficiency retrofits in European residential buildings. It identifies significant market failures, such as long payback periods and knowledge gaps, that hinder private investment. Through analysis of four target countries and three successful case studies (Energiesprong, Oktave, and KfW), the document highlights that success depends on low-cost, long-term financing and the ability to aggregate demand. It projects a total lending potential for EuroPACE of nearly €4bn over ten years across the four primary countries, provided that penetration and renovation rates increase.

The report concludes that the US model of ABS securitisation for PACE loans is not directly applicable to Europe due to regulatory differences, a lack of historical performance data for 'Simple, Transparent and Standardised' (STS) treatment, and diverse national legal frameworks. Instead, it recommends localised solutions such as covered bonds, residential mortgage-backed securities (RMBS), and aggregation platforms. The document provides a global market analysis of green bonds for low-carbon buildings and outlines standardisation principles for energy efficiency loans to attract institutional capital.

The document assesses the progress of transposing the RED II and Electricity Directives in Belgium, France, Germany, Italy, Portugal, and Spain as of September 2020. It finds that while most countries have focused on legal definitions, they have largely neglected the 'enabling framework' and the mandatory assessment of barriers and potentials required by EU law. The brief argues that simple 'copy-paste' transposition of EU definitions is insufficient and recommends a holistic approach that includes public consultation, political engagement, and specific support for vulnerable households and local authorities to ensure the success of energy communities.

The document argues that while there are signs of a transition to green economies—such as accelerating renewable energy deployment in China and India and the adoption of wellbeing budgets in New Zealand—the 'brown economy' still dominates. It highlights that fossil fuel subsidies (US$ 5.2 trillion) nearly equal the investment needed for Sustainable Development Goals (US$ 5-7 trillion). The report calls for a systemic shift from extraction to restoration and from GDP-centric measures to wellbeing and natural capital accounting, providing specific recommendations for governments, businesses, and civil society to accelerate a just transition.

The document examines the Covid-19 pandemic as a systemic shock that exposed deep inequalities and the fragility of market-driven systems. It explores the intersection of public health and biodiversity loss, the role of the welfare state versus authoritarian and populist models, the digital divide in urban centers, and the disproportionate impact of the crisis on marginalized groups, including migrant workers and the elderly. The text advocates for a 'green recovery' that prioritizes a 'foundational economy' of basic needs over growth, promotes digital inclusion as a human right, and recognizes the link between environmental degradation and zoonotic disease emergence.

The document is a comprehensive collection of essays and interviews exploring the evolution of green politics. It analyzes the tension between 'green growth' and 'degrowth', the rise of Green parties in Europe, and the intersection of climate action with feminism, labor rights, and geopolitics. Key discussions include the critique of the European Green Deal as 'greenwashing', the impact of lignite mining in Germany, and the role of the 'Green New Deal' in the US as a tool for socio-economic transformation.

The document examines the evolution of political ecology, arguing for a shift from growth-based economic models to a 'social-ecological state' that prioritizes wellbeing and justice. It analyzes the electoral successes and challenges of Green parties across Europe—specifically in Germany, Finland, Sweden, Belgium, Ireland, Spain, and Poland—and discusses the 'Green New Deal' in the USA. Key themes include the intersection of climate action with feminism, labor rights, and geopolitics, while critiquing the 'green growth' and 'decoupling' narratives of the European Green Deal.

France ranks second among G20 OECD members for its commitments and low support for fossil fuel production per GDP, yet it maintains high support for fossil fuel-based power and consumption. Total government support averaged USD 19.4 billion (2017–2019), with a significant 87% increase in public finance for fossil fuels compared to the 2014–2016 average, primarily driven by oil and gas production.

India provides significant government support for fossil fuels, averaging USD 44.6 billion between 2017 and 2019, primarily through consumer price supports and state-owned enterprise investments in oil and gas. While consumer subsidies for petrol, diesel, and kerosene have decreased, public finance for fossil fuel-based power and SOE investments have increased. The document also highlights unquantified support via power distribution utility bailouts and lower GST rates for coal.

The G20 Scorecard evaluates OECD and non-OECD members across seven criteria related to fossil fuel funding, including transparency, pledges, and the scale of support for coal, oil, gas, and power generation. It ranks countries such as Germany, France, and Brazil at the top of their respective groups, while others like the United States and Saudi Arabia receive lower scores in multiple categories.

The report finds that QAnon activity on Facebook grew month-on-month from April to September 2020, with engagement nearly doubling between April and August. This growth was driven by 'superspreaders'—personal profiles that mass-proliferate disinformation—and the co-opting of mainstream movements like 'Save the Children' and COVID-19 concerns. The analysis reveals a heavy reliance on 'Red-rated' unreliable news sites, though mainstream sources are often distorted to fit the narrative. Despite Facebook's October 2020 ban on QAnon pages and groups, the report argues the action came too late and was insufficient because personal profiles continued to promote the conspiracy. The research also documents the internationalization of QAnon, with significant activity in Germany, France, Italy, and Brazil, often localized to target regional elites.

The report maps the 'online ecosystem' of the German far-right, identifying 379 channels across ten alternative platforms. It finds that while these platforms provide safe havens for extremist discourse, they generally have a much smaller reach than mainstream platforms. The study suggests that banning extremists from mainstream sites reduces their overall reach and does not lead to a direct mass migration to alternative platforms. It also highlights the role of 'alt-media' in amplifying far-right narratives, such as the 'great replacement' myth, which are rarely prominent in mainstream media.

The document argues that while Africa has seen improvements in health indicators, it is falling further behind the rest of the world in average income and economic productivity. It identifies a 'unproductive structure' of economies dominated by low-end services and a slow demographic transition as primary barriers. To ignite a 'growth revolution' by 2040, the author advocates for a 'bottom-up' approach prioritizing basic infrastructure, a reduction in birth rates to achieve a demographic dividend, and the revitalization of the manufacturing sector to support agriculture and high-value services.