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The report outlines a three-stage transition for Estonia to establish a green hydrogen economy by 2050. The first phase (2021-2025) focuses on pilot projects in transport and establishing a regulatory framework. The second phase (2025-2030) aims for scaling production to 300 MW+ and expanding FCEV use in public transport and heavy-duty vehicles. The final phase (2030-2050) envisions large-scale deployment with 5 GW+ of electrolyser capacity, full decarbonisation of the domestic truck fleet, and the establishment of a green chemical industry (ammonia and methanol), potentially reducing national greenhouse gas emissions by 12% by 2050.

The TCFD Good Practice Handbook identifies effective disclosure examples across the four TCFD core elements—Governance, Strategy, Risk Management, and Metrics and Targets—while offering practical advice and case studies to help organisations overcome implementation barriers.

The G20 countries account for 84% of global greenhouse gas emissions from fossil fuels and 90% of global GDP, yet their climate commitments and financial contributions remain insufficient. While some G20 nations have submitted enhanced 2030 NDCs and net-zero targets, others, such as Brazil and Mexico, have reduced their ambitions. The document highlights a failure to meet the 2010 pledge of $100 billion annual climate finance for developing countries, noting that finance is often misdirected toward middle-income countries rather than the most vulnerable, and increasingly provided as loans rather than grants. Furthermore, G20 countries have provided more funding to fossil fuels (over $315 billion) than to clean energy (around $280 billion) since the start of the Covid-19 pandemic.

The statement critiques the French financial sector's response to the climate crisis, highlighting a divide between institutions adopting strict exclusion policies for oil and gas expansion and those maintaining the status quo. It specifically condemns the French Ministry of Economy and Finance for avoiding strict regulatory frameworks and calls on major entities like AXA to stop insuring new fossil fuel projects.

The document examines the geopolitical competition between the US and China in Africa, suggesting that African nations can increase their agency by playing rival powers against each other to obtain better investment, infrastructure funding, and trade agreements. It highlights examples from Guinea and Ethiopia where this strategy yielded better contract terms and infrastructure packages. The author proposes five measures for African governments: avoiding opportunistic short-term offers, adopting integrated strategic plans (citing Senegal's Plan Emergent Senegal), learning from other regions like Latin America and Southeast Asia, enhancing bureaucratic capacity and local expertise on foreign partners, and promoting trilateral or quadrilateral cooperation between traditional and new partners.

Reclaim Finance argues that Natixis's pledge to reduce oil and gas financing by 15% by 2024 is inadequate because it does not prohibit new loans to expanding companies and excludes equity and bond issuance support.

Reclaim Finance criticizes the French financial center for continuing to fund the expansion of fossil fuels despite scientific warnings. While a few institutions like La Banque Postale, MAIF, and Ircantec have committed to exiting oil, gas, and unconventional hydrocarbons by 2030, the document claims most French banks and insurers, including AXA, remain supportive of the industry. It specifically highlights TotalEnergies' plans to increase gas production by 35% by 2030 and calls on the French government to implement a mandatory regulatory framework to end fossil fuel financing.

ClientEarth and 20 partner organisations advocate for the modernisation of EU agricultural chemical statistics. They argue that current data gaps prevent effective monitoring of human health and environmental risks. The recommendations urge the AGRI committee to support amendments that ensure the collection of exhaustive data on pesticides, biocides, and veterinary products, published at a granular level (active substance, product, crop, and postal code) to enable informed policy decisions and public transparency.

Reclaim Finance calls on AXA to cease providing insurance for the Brunsbüttel LNG terminal and other new fossil fuel projects. The organization argues that such infrastructure facilitates the import of shale gas, contradicts AXA's leadership in the Net Zero Insurance Alliance, and ignores calls from the French Ministry of Economy to exit non-conventional oil and gas sectors.

Superhot rock (SHR) geothermal energy, defined as heat energy mined at temperatures of 400°C or hotter, is presented as a high-energy-density resource capable of providing competitive, dispatchable, zero-carbon power worldwide. While current geothermal capacity is limited to 15 GW in volcanic or thin-crust regions, SHR could potentially be accessed anywhere through super-deep drilling. The report estimates that mature SHR electricity could be competitive at $20-35 per MWh, producing five to ten times the energy per well compared to conventional systems. Realizing this potential requires overcoming engineering challenges in drilling (reaching 7-15 km), reservoir creation, and well metallurgy. The proposed path forward involves moving three to five pilot demonstrations forward in the next five years, transitioning from shallow hot dry rock to deep continental resources, and leveraging the expertise of the unconventional oil and gas industry to accelerate commercialization within 10 to 15 years.

The document examines the legal frameworks governing shareholder resolutions in thirteen European countries, focusing on how investors can compel companies to adopt Paris-aligned climate strategies. It identifies a recurring tension between the general management powers of corporate Boards and the reserved rights of shareholders to amend a company's Articles of Association. The guide argues that framing climate 'asks'—such as net-zero commitments, transition plans, 'Say on Climate' votes, and lobbying disclosures—as amendments to the Articles of Association is often the most effective legal path to ensure resolutions are tabled at Annual General Meetings (AGMs). While the UK, Ireland, Spain, and Sweden are described as relatively simple jurisdictions for filing, others like France, Germany, and Austria require more nuanced framing to avoid infringing on Board competencies. The Netherlands is highlighted as the only jurisdiction among the thirteen where shareholders cannot legally compel a company to table a resolution without Board consent.

The report evaluates India's post-pandemic economic recovery through the lens of natural capital, analyzing budgetary allocations in agriculture, MSMEs, power, mining, and the social sector. It finds that while the Union Budget 2021-22 showed more positive natural capital alignment than the initial COVID recovery package, significant gaps remain, particularly a lack of capital expenditure for green infrastructure and a heavy reliance on monetary rather than fiscal instruments to incentivize green practices.

The report describes the 'Blue Acceleration,' a phenomenal increase in the diversity and scale of ocean-based industries since 2000. It argues that while the ocean is viewed as an economic frontier, the benefits flow disproportionately to a small number of powerful states and corporations, leaving SIDS and LDCs exposed to risks. The document details the environmental and social impacts of sectors like offshore wind, deep-sea mining, and industrial fishing, while highlighting the emergence of interconnected 'Anthropocene risks' including climate-driven regime shifts and stranded assets. It concludes by exploring the role of sustainable finance in redirecting the ocean economy toward equity and stewardship.

The document investigates whether Russia exerts significant influence over African states in the UN Security Council (UNSC) by analyzing voting patterns between 2014 and 2020. It argues that Russia's influence over the A3 is often exaggerated, as statistical evidence shows that African member states remain more aligned with the P3 (US, UK, and France) and are largely independent of Russian vetoes and abstentions. While the A3 have increasingly sought to present unified positions on African peace and security issues, their voting behavior on non-African files shows a declining coincidence with Russian positions over time.

The document argues that to limit global warming to 1.5°C, all coal assets must be closed by 2030 in OECD and European countries and by 2040 globally. It outlines a comprehensive framework for financial institutions to phase out coal support, combining immediate exclusion criteria for new projects and high-exposure companies with a structured engagement process for remaining portfolio companies to ensure the actual closure, rather than the sale, of coal assets.

The report finds that most G20 and Eurosystem central banks lack credible sustainable investment policies for their non-policy portfolios, often relying on opacity or weak ESG criteria to mask continued support for fossil fuel companies. While the Banque de France is highlighted as a leader for its fossil fuel restrictions, the majority of analyzed banks either have no public SRI policy or use 'tricks' such as investing in green bonds without excluding major polluters. The document recommends that central banks adopt strict exclusion policies for coal and new fossil fuel projects to align with a 1.5°C warming trajectory.

The document investigates whether Russia exerts significant influence over African states in the UN Security Council (UNSC) by analyzing voting patterns between 2014 and 2020. It argues that Russia's influence over the A3 is often exaggerated, as statistical evidence shows little coordination and a trend of increasing divergence. While the A3 are increasingly presenting unified positions on African issues, their voting behavior remains more aligned with the P3 (US, UK, and France) than with Russia. The brief concludes that Russia's role as a 'loud dissenter' has not translated into a strategic alliance with the African grouping.

The briefing emphasizes that reaching net zero ambitions and maintaining a 1.5°C world requires significant individual behavioral changes, which in turn require public buy-in and government-led structural support. It highlights that the UK lacks a centrally-led public engagement strategy despite commitments under the UN's Action for Climate Empowerment (ACE) protocol. The document recommends a strategy that is broad-based, utilizes trusted and diverse spokespeople, emphasizes two-way communication over top-down messaging, and focuses on internalizing reasons for change rather than relying on behavioral 'nudges'. It suggests the UK use COP26 to lead internationally on public engagement and invigorate the ACE protocol, noting that few nations, such as Italy, Costa Rica, and Scotland, currently have considered public engagement policies.

The paper examines Africa's role in global nuclear disarmament, highlighting the Pelindaba Treaty as a model for regional non-proliferation and the shift from a security-based to a humanitarian-based narrative to challenge nuclear-armed states.

The report evaluates three primary responses to the plastics crisis: chemical recycling, separate collection, and reuse/refill. It concludes that chemical recycling is technically and financially unviable, often serving as a 'smokescreen' for the petrochemical industry. In contrast, it identifies high growth potential in separate collection infrastructure, specifically reverse vending machines (RVMs), and long-term equity opportunities in refillable packaging systems, both of which are being driven by increasing global regulation and consumer pressure.