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The 2017 Annual Monitoring Review evaluates SEforALL's efforts to drive Sustainable Development Goal 7 (SDG 7) through work streams including Energy Efficiency First, Leave No One Behind, and Sustainable Energy Diplomacy. While the organization demonstrated strength in intervention design and target audience engagement, it faced challenges related to resource capacity, staffing constraints, and internal communication, which occasionally impacted delivery timelines and post-launch engagement.

The report introduces the Energy Access Dividend (EAD) framework to help policymakers quantify the benefits of rapid electrification. By analyzing Bangladesh, Ethiopia, and Kenya, it demonstrates that decentralized renewable energy can provide faster access than centralized grids, leading to significant household savings, increased study time for children, and reduced carbon and black carbon emissions. The model links these dividends to the achievement of multiple Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), arguing that delays in energy access result in lost investments in human and economic development.

The document examines the intersection of gender equality and food security, arguing that gender discrimination is a primary driver of hunger. Through a literature review of 27 articles, it finds that gender-related policies typically have a positive impact on food security, while food security interventions can sometimes constrain women's positions within the family if social norms are not addressed. The brief highlights that women and female-headed households are more prone to food insecurity due to limited access to assets, land, and decision-making power. It calls for gender-differentiated data and a holistic approach to power relationships to ensure that sustainability goals are achieved without leaving women and girls behind.

The report analyzes seven multilateral climate funds—the Green Climate Fund (GCF), Global Environment Facility (GEF), Adaptation Fund (AF), Least Developed Countries Fund (LDCF), Special Climate Change Fund (SCCF), and the Clean Technology Fund (CTF) and Strategic Climate Fund (SCF)—against five strategies for transformative change: achieving impact at scale, promoting country ownership, improving efficiency, supporting equitable allocation, and increasing accountability. It finds that the proliferation of funds has led to overlapping roles and inefficiencies. The authors recommend short-term reforms to clarify fund specialization and long-term architectural changes, including the potential consolidation or sunsetting of certain funds, such as the CIFs, SCCF, and LDCF, to streamline the climate finance landscape.

The document assesses the dual nature of large-scale agricultural investments, noting that while they can create employment and market opportunities, they often lead to water depletion, land tenure insecurity, and disproportionate burdens on women. It highlights that water demand for irrigation in investment areas can rise by 50% and that weak institutional enforcement often fails to protect local communities. The author advocates for a 'social tenure model' and the use of specific Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) to frame investment design to ensure sustainability and inclusivity.

The document analyzes Kenya's foreign policy across four presidencies, noting a historical tendency to 'punch below its weight' despite economic strength. It highlights a significant shift in 2011 with the military incursion into Somalia and the subsequent pan-African focus under Uhuru Kenyatta. The paper examines Kenya's role in regional integration through the EAC and LAPSSET project, its complex relations with South Africa, and the introduction of a new Foreign Policy Framework based on five pillars of diplomacy.

The report analyzes national efforts to transition from carbon-intensive energy sources to sustainable alternatives by reforming fossil fuel subsidies and implementing innovative policy instruments.

The document critiques the ESIA for the 250km Lamu-Garissa road, highlighting risks to the critically endangered Hirola antelope and the Tana River ecosystem. It argues that the preferred route (Alternative I-1) lacks species-specific wildlife crossing data and fails to allocate budget for wildlife protection in its management plan. Additionally, the authors identify failures in stormwater management planning, a lack of impact analysis for the extraction of approximately 1.375 million cubic meters of construction materials, and procedural violations of Kenyan law regarding public participation and gazette notices.

The paper examines the alignment between the African Group of Negotiators' (AGN) vision for a Global Goal for Adaptation (GGA) and the provisions of the Paris Agreement. It argues that while the Agreement establishes a GGA and recognizes the link between mitigation and adaptation, significant technical and political work is required to operationalise it. Key recommendations include establishing minimum information requirements for adaptation components of Nationally Determined Contributions (a-NDCs) to enable the aggregation of data for the global stocktake, and developing sector-specific risk metrics to track progress. The authors emphasize the need for 'material parity' between mitigation and adaptation, ensuring that adaptation support is adequate, transparent, and based on scientific temperature scenarios.

The document examines the impacts of 'polluting energy'—including fossil fuels, industrial biomass, and large dams—across Africa. It highlights how these systems often benefit elites and corporations while leaving local populations to face health crises, land grabbing, and climate vulnerability. Specific case studies focus on South Africa's coal dependency, oil extraction in Nigeria and Uganda, the influence of European energy policies in the Maghreb, and the social and environmental costs of large dams in Mozambique. The report concludes that African nations must avoid 'locking in' obsolete polluting technologies and instead pursue energy sovereignty through decentralized renewables.

The document analyzes adaptation efforts in 15 countries across Africa and Asia, highlighting a universal prioritization of the agricultural sector and significant gaps in subnational planning and monitoring systems. While national-level policy frameworks are advancing, the review identifies a persistent lack of adaptation programming in health, forestry, and fisheries, and notes that progress is driven more by political leadership and donor priorities than by development status or climate risk levels.

The paper argues that effective governance is a primary determinant of poverty reduction in Africa. Using the International Futures (IFs) forecasting system, it demonstrates that improving governance effectiveness (aligned with SDG 16.6) would lift more than 60 million people out of poverty by 2050, outperforming other targeted health and sanitation interventions.

The report examines Qatar's strategic engagement in the Horn of Africa, driven by a desire for international significance and regional autonomy from Saudi Arabia and Iran. It highlights a highly centralised, personalised decision-making process led by the emir, which often bypasses formal diplomatic institutions. While Qatar has successfully mediated between Eritrea and Djibouti, its efforts in Darfur are characterised as a failure due to a lack of contextual understanding and political leverage. The document details Qatar's use of financial wealth, military alliances with the US and Turkey, and the Al Jazeera network as primary instruments of influence.

One year after the Paris Agreement's adoption, the Climate Action Tracker (CAT) finds that national climate policies have made little progress. If NDCs are fully implemented, global warming by 2100 is estimated at 2.8°C, while current policies would lead to 3.6°C. A significant emissions gap remains for 2025 and 2030. The report highlights specific national trajectories, noting that most assessed NDCs are inadequate or medium in ambition, with particular concerns regarding the US, Russia, and Saudi Arabia, while noting positive renewable energy growth in India.

The document analyzes Africa's epidemiological transition, noting that while communicable diseases currently cause a disproportionate share of deaths, non-communicable diseases (NCDs) are rising. Using scenario modeling, it argues that achieving SDG 3.3 (eradicating communicable diseases) would significantly boost GDP and life expectancy but accelerate the shift toward NCDs, potentially stressing health systems. Conversely, achieving SDG 3.4 (reducing premature NCD deaths) improves productivity through reduced disability but offers smaller overall economic gains than the eradication of infectious diseases.

The document analyzes the state of democracy in Africa, arguing that while electoral democracy has increased since 1989, it is often constrained by neopatrimonialism and a lack of governance capacity. It explores the 'sequencing debate' regarding whether democracy precedes or follows economic development, noting that while authoritarian models have sometimes delivered rapid growth, long-term human development is robustly linked to high-quality electoral democracy. Using the International Futures (IFs) system, the author forecasts that a 'Fourth Wave' of democracy could significantly increase Africa's GDP and reduce extreme poverty by 2070 compared to an 'Authoritarian Regress' scenario.

The report identifies systemic failures in African land administration, including the fact that only about 10 percent of land is legally documented. It argues that securing tenure through a combination of community land registration in land-abundant areas and individual titling in land-constrained areas is essential for investment. The text highlights the need to integrate customary tenure into statutory law and eliminate market restrictions to improve access for women, youth, and the land-poor, while warning against 'land grabs' resulting from weak governance.

The report argues that President Yoweri Museveni uses Uganda's role as a regional security provider to deflect international criticism of his domestic democratic decay. It details the use of patronage and repression to maintain power, the personalized nature of Ugandan foreign policy, and the strategic use of the Uganda People’s Defence Force (UPDF) in Somalia, South Sudan, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

The Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF), a coalition of Cameroon, Niger, Nigeria, and Chad, along with Benin, was established to combat Boko Haram. While the force has achieved some operational gains since early 2016, it continues to struggle with significant financial shortfalls, political mistrust among member states, and a gap between official claims of operationality and the reality on the ground. The African Union (AU) serves as a critical strategic and technical partner, filling an institutional vacuum left by the Lake Chad Basin Commission's (LCBC) limited experience in peace operations.

The document examines China's use of large-scale infrastructure projects in Africa as a tool of economic statecraft to challenge Western-led global norms and promote a 'democratised' global order. It analyzes the role of the Forum on China–Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) and compares African initiatives with similar Chinese regional forums in the Arab world, Central Asia, and Latin America. Despite a slowing domestic economy and falling commodity prices affecting resource-rich African states, the author contends that China's strategic geopolitical goals ensure the continued resilience of its African investments.