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The report identifies ten common areas for comparing the mediation strategies of Qatar and Norway, highlighting differences in their identities, the role of civil society, and regional engagement, while noting shared dependencies on the United States and the use of financial resources to cultivate soft power.

The document examines the complex geopolitical landscape of the Middle East through a series of expert perspectives. Key themes include the failure of Western 'exceptionalism' in diplomacy, the systemic human rights abuses in countries like Egypt and Saudi Arabia, and the critical role of water scarcity as a driver of intra-state conflict. It provides detailed analysis of the 'bottom-up' stabilization efforts in Iraq via local ceasefires, the strategic threat of Iranian nuclear proliferation, and the use of public diplomacy by non-state actors like Hizbollah. Additionally, it addresses the stalled peace process between Israel and Palestine and the specific challenges of the Cyprus division.

The document argues that mediation gatekeeping—the process of defining the 'terms of reference' for who may participate in negotiations—has systematically excluded Palestinians, either as a whole people, as a political entity (the PLO), or as a specific political group (Hamas). It examines three phases: the 1940s UN-led armistice negotiations, the 1970s US-led diplomacy, and the 2000s Quartet demands. The author contends that while exclusionary formats can simplify processes or end specific bilateral conflicts, they often fail to address the core grievances of the conflict, thereby making long-term, sustainable peace more difficult to achieve.

The Middle East has hosted the world's deadliest conflicts over the last decade, with Syria being the deadliest since 1989. While state-based conflicts and battle-related deaths declined in 2019, internationalized civil wars reached record levels since 2015. Non-state conflicts peaked in 2014 and have since declined, though they remain higher than pre-2011 levels. One-sided violence fatalities doubled from 2018 to 2019, driven by IS, Syrian insurgents, and Iran. Despite an increase in ceasefires, peace agreements are rare in the region compared to Africa and Asia, with only one full peace agreement recorded between 1989 and 2018.

The report examines the impact of natural gas discoveries in the Eastern Mediterranean on the geopolitics of Cyprus. It details the conflicting maritime claims between the Republic of Cyprus (RoC), Turkey, and the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC), while analyzing the economic viability of various export options including LNG and pipelines. The authors conclude that the most likely future is a continuation of the status quo, where the RoC's ability to exploit gas remains heavily dependent on Israeli export decisions and the absence of a political settlement with Turkey.

The document argues that the Palestinian self-rule scheme launched by Menachem Begin in December 1977 was a strategic mechanism of 'preventive diplomacy' designed to facilitate the Egyptian-Israeli peace process without conceding any sovereignty or territory to Palestinians. While President Jimmy Carter initially sought a comprehensive peace including Palestinian representation and Israeli withdrawal from the West Bank and Gaza, he eventually accepted self-rule as a temporary starting point. The author contends that Begin never intended to implement the scheme, using it instead to sideline the PLO and maintain Israeli control over the West Bank and Gaza. The process culminated in the 1979 Egyptian-Israeli peace treaty, after which Begin further watered down the autonomy plan and eventually torpedoed the negotiations entirely with the July 1980 Jerusalem Basic Law, which declared Jerusalem the indivisible capital of Israel.

The research analyzes street harassment in Cairo as a social phenomenon linked to structural and institutional changes in Egypt. It argues that the inability of men to fulfill traditional roles as economic providers, exacerbated by high unemployment and economic instability since the 1970s, leads them to symbolically reclaim their masculinity through the harassment of women in public spaces. The paper defines street harassment across three categories—gestures, verbal remarks, and physical harassment—and notes a rise in 'mob-related' incidents since 2005. It concludes that legal criminalization alone is unlikely to solve the problem without addressing the underlying socioeconomic frustrations and the crisis of masculinity.

The report analyzes how Egypt and Uganda navigate their relationships with Northern and Southern Sudan ahead of the 2011 referendum. Egypt faces waning regional influence and security dilemmas related to the Nile and border stability, while Uganda maintains a strong strategic and economic partnership with the Southern Sudanese leadership to ensure regional stability and expand trade.

The document critically examines the 'turn towards technology' in humanitarian aid, specifically regarding sexual violence. It warns that technological solutions often fail due to inadequate problem definitions and the exclusion of affected populations. The author identifies four key areas of concern: the creation of 'digital bodies' (data representations of physical people), the use of intrusive wearables for reproductive and health tracking, the 'technologization' of safeguarding through quantification and criminal law, and the use of data-driven vulnerability assessments that may render male victims invisible. Finally, it cautions against 'humanitarian experimentation,' where untested technologies are deployed in fragile environments without sufficient ethical frameworks, potentially introducing new harms to victims of gender-based violence.

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This policy brief examines the integration of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) into Africa, focusing on the shift from resource trade to infrastructure and industrial cooperation. It highlights the opportunities for regional integration and industrialization, while warning of the financial risks associated with debt-based lending and the need for African governments to ensure project viability and local capacity building.

The workshop report examines the challenges of regional integration in Southern Africa, noting that the linear European model of integration may not suit African contexts. Key obstacles identified include overlapping memberships in regional economic communities (RECs), the dominance of larger economies like South Africa, Egypt, and Kenya, and a heavy reliance on external donor funding. The report highlights the potential of the Tripartite FTA to resolve fragmentation and calls for a cost-benefit analysis of integration to align regional priorities with national interests.

The report details Austria's limited historical and economic ties with Africa, noting that while North Africa maintains stronger diplomatic relations, trade and development assistance are focused on specific priority countries in East and Southern Africa. It highlights South Africa as Austria's primary African trading partner and discusses Austria's commitments to EU-Africa strategies during its 2006 EU Council presidency.

Ambassador-designate Chen Xiaodong describes a shift in China-Africa relations from government-led assistance to market-driven investment and trade. He highlights China's role as Africa's largest trading partner and a primary financier of infrastructure, while proposing new cooperation in the 'Fourth Industrial Revolution' and digital infrastructure. The speech also addresses COVID-19 support, debt relief for African nations, and a rejection of 'debt trap' narratives.

This policy brief by the South African Institute of International Affairs examines the gap between the African Union's (AU) normative commitments to democracy and human rights and the actual foreign policies of its member states. The author argues that strong sovereignty norms and a state-centric approach have hindered the domestication of human rights, leading to a state of 'stasis' or reversal in several countries. The brief recommends that the AU embrace global partnerships with civil society and that pivotal states like South Africa rejuvenate human rights as a core pillar of their external engagements to ensure continental stability.

The document finds that most African countries failed to maximize the opportunity for a green recovery following COVID-19, primarily due to a massive financing gap and a lack of mainstreaming climate action into national economic planning. While South Africa and Nigeria adopted recovery plans with green components, others like Senegal, Uganda, and Benin showed little overlap between their pandemic responses and NDCs. The author argues for reforming global development finance, implementing carbon taxes, and creating green sovereign wealth funds to bridge the gap between climate ambitions and available resources.

The report examines the 2022 Russian seizure of the Zaporizhzhia Nuclear Power Plant (ZNPP) as a precedent that exposes critical gaps in international nuclear safety laws. It argues that existing frameworks, including the Pelindaba Treaty, are insufficient to address contemporary risks such as the military occupation of operational plants, drone warfare, and the targeting of supporting infrastructure like power grids and dams. The authors highlight severe human rights violations against ZNPP personnel and the limited enforcement mandate of the IAEA. To safeguard Africa's growing nuclear ambitions, the report recommends the African Union adopt a common position on nuclear safety during conflict, advocate for binding international regulations to prevent the occupation of nuclear facilities, and expand protections to include critical supporting infrastructure.

The document examines the risks of chemical, biological, and nuclear (CBN) weapons proliferation by non-State actors in Africa, specifically how illicit networks and terrorist groups like Al-Shabaab exploit weak trade controls. It assesses the implementation of UNSCR 1540 across African States, noting a gap between strong political commitment and weak practical enforcement of border and export controls. The brief argues that the AfCFTA Agreement, which aims to boost intra-African trade and industrialization in sectors like pharmaceuticals and energy, provides a strategic platform to harmonize these security controls. It concludes with recommendations for the AfCFTA organs and the 1540 Committee to collaborate on capacity building, shared data analysis, and public-private engagement to secure trade flows.

The document examines the shift in India's Africa policy from Cold War-era support for anti-colonial and anti-apartheid struggles to a modern approach centered on economic diplomacy and energy security. While India seeks to secure crude oil and LNG to fuel its projected economic growth, the author argues that its engagement remains 'development friendly' and 'Third Worldist,' evidenced by diversified trade, capacity-building initiatives, and multilateral cooperation through forums like IBSA.

The report examines the AfCFTA's potential to create a single market of 1.2 billion people and $2 trillion GDP, highlighting its goals to boost intra-African trade and harmonise trade governance. It details key investor considerations, including the continued relevance of Regional Economic Communities (RECs), tariff phase-down schedules, and the impact of non-tariff barriers and rules of origin. The document specifically analyses the Republic of Korea's trade and investment profile in Africa, noting a heavy reliance on natural resource imports and a relatively low FDI stock compared to other global powers. It suggests that Korean firms can find opportunities in manufacturing, digital transformation, and the use of Special Economic Zones (SEZs) to enter the continent. Finally, it recommends that Korea enhance its 'aid for trade' initiatives, focusing on infrastructure project preparation and support for African SMEs to foster mutually beneficial relations.