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The report argues that inclusivity is vital for sustaining peace and must be integrated into every stage of the peace continuum, from mediation to state-building. Using Liberia and South Sudan as case studies, it contrasts Liberia's relatively successful inclusive frameworks and unified regional support from ECOWAS with South Sudan's elite-driven processes and fragmented regional response from IGAD. The document highlights that technical exercises in security sector reform (SSR) and disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) often fail if they do not address underlying political power structures and incentives for spoilers. It concludes with recommendations for the UN to prioritise joint analysis, community consultation, and support for institutionalised regional governance frameworks to ensure sustainable, inclusive peace.

The report analyzes how Turkey's domestic transformation and regional foreign policy influence the security perceptions of Greek-Cypriots. It distinguishes between official perceptions, which prioritize military and state security, and non-official perceptions, which place greater emphasis on political and economic stability. The author argues that while Turkey is viewed as a primary existential threat, addressing broader human security concerns could provide a path for inter-communal collaboration in Cyprus.

The document argues that while the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance provides a normative framework, democratic processes in Africa have largely stagnated in a transitional phase, often trapped in an 'electoral fallacy' where regular elections occur without deep institutional consolidation. It identifies internal pressures—such as the rise of populism, election-related violence, and long-term leadership—and external pressures—including the influence of non-democratic powers like China, Russia, and Turkey, and a 'security-first' doctrine from Western actors—as primary drivers of democratic recession. Despite these challenges, the author notes positive signals such as the increasing number of charter signatories, the role of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), and the effectiveness of ECOWAS in restoring democracy in specific instances. The briefing recommends limiting the concentration of power through term limits and shifting international investment toward domestic democratic processes rather than just regional frameworks.

The report evaluates the impact of the APRM, EITI, and OGP, concluding that while these initiatives provide platforms for dialogue and some policy changes, there is little measurable evidence that they consistently drive significant governance reforms. It highlights the challenges of voluntary compliance, the risk of 'open-washing' by governments, and the critical but often tokenistic role of civil society. The document recommends that donors support civil society capacity, invest in impact research, and align funding with MSI action plans to better foster accountability and transparency.

The briefing argues that climate adaptation is currently undervalued and incorrectly viewed as a local problem, which hinders global ambition. It proposes a 'transboundary' approach to climate risk, recognizing that impacts in one country create risks in others through trade, biophysical flows, people, and finance. The authors review progress from COP23 and suggest that the Paris Agreement's mechanisms—such as the global stocktake and National Adaptation Plans—should be operationalized to track and manage these cross-border risks to avoid 'climate change contagion' in the global economy.

The report introduces a framework for measuring 'additionality' in climate finance, focusing on whether public investments catalyze activity that would not have occurred under a business-as-usual scenario. It details a qualitative multi-criteria assessment (MCA) for individual projects and a quantitative 'additionality modifier' based on the IESE VCPE Index for portfolio-level analysis. The findings suggest that private equity is a viable instrument for additionality as it often targets high-risk markets where commercial investment is otherwise lacking.

The document analyzes the institutionalization of 'Xi Jinping Thought' and its impact on China-Africa relations, highlighting five trends: the centrality of the Communist Party of China (CPC), the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), support for UN reform, an expanded global military role, and stricter internet governance. It warns that while China offers development alternatives to the West, these trends may increase debt burdens, promote illiberal internet regimes, and increase the militarization of the continent.

The report analyzes energy pricing reforms in the MENA region, specifically within the GCC, following the 2014 oil price collapse. It argues that while price increases are a regional trend, they are not yet a norm and risk political instability if not accompanied by social safety nets and labor market reforms. The document details specific reform measures in countries like Saudi Arabia, Oman, and Morocco, and provides technical recommendations for international assistance to support a transition toward productive economies.

The report proposes a definition of sustainable migration as movement that ensures a well-balanced distribution of costs and benefits for individuals, societies, and states, both now and in the future. It argues that migration is an integral part of social change and that its sustainability is inherently political, requiring a balance of empirical data and normative values. Through literature reviews and case studies of Somalia, Pakistan, Tunisia, and Norway, the authors examine how migration impacts development, social cohesion, and welfare state legitimacy, while cautioning that the term 'sustainable' can be co-opted for restrictionist political agendas.

The report analyzes the climate-security nexus in the Eastern Mediterranean, identifying the region as a climate change hotspot where rising temperatures and water scarcity interact with fragile political structures. It highlights risks including domestic resource competition, potential conflicts over the Nile, Euphrates, and Tigris rivers, and increased migration toward Europe. The author argues that while conventional security threats currently dominate government agendas, the economic and physical impacts of climate change could trigger social unrest and regional instability. The report recommends increasing the visibility of economic risks to leaders and utilizing 'variable geometry' cooperation—combining inter-governmental frameworks like the Barcelona Convention with city-to-city and civil society networks—to foster regional adaptation.

The document provides a mapping of children living in conflict settings, distinguishing between those in conflict-affected countries and those in 'conflict zones' (within 50km of fighting). In 2017, approximately 1.8 billion children lived in conflict-affected countries, while 420 million lived in conflict zones. Asia has the highest absolute number of affected children, but the Middle East has the highest proportion relative to its population. The report also notes a rise in the number of children in conflict zones since 2000 and discusses the severe impact of the denial of humanitarian access, particularly in South Sudan, Yemen, Syria, and the Central African Republic.

The document examines the Eastern Mediterranean's transition from a strategic space used by great powers to a distinct geopolitical region. It analyzes the shift toward multipolarity and the emergence of 'proto-regionalism' through trilateral partnerships involving Greece, Cyprus, Israel, and Egypt. While identifying potential for an Eastern Mediterranean Cooperation Council (EMCC) based on the Gulf Cooperation Council model, the author highlights significant obstacles, including the role of Turkey, the Cyprus conflict, and energy disputes.

The GCF Board's 18th meeting in Cairo focused on operationalizing the fund's implementation phase. Key outcomes include the approval of multiple funding proposals across various regions, the accreditation of five new entities, and the adoption of a Simplified Approval Process (SAP) pilot for small-scale activities. The Board also approved a new Anti-Money Laundering and Countering the Financing of Terrorism Policy and a revised administrative budget and staffing target of 250 employees for 2018. However, consensus was not reached on a risk management framework or the selection process for a Permanent Trustee.

The briefing by WWF and IISD offers policy guidance for COP 14 regarding the mainstreaming of biodiversity into the infrastructure sector, following a decision from COP 13 to address biodiversity in energy, mining, infrastructure, manufacturing, and health. It mentions upcoming discussions by the Subsidiary Body on Scientific, Technical and Technological Advice (SBSTTA) and references two specific case studies: bus fleet electrification in Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia, and hybrid infrastructure in the Bogotá River basin, Colombia.

The document examines the historical transition of AU–EU relations from the 1963 Yaoundé Convention through the Lomé Convention and Cotonou Agreement to the current Joint Africa–EU Strategy (JAES). It argues that despite institutional efforts to create an equal partnership, the EU continues to set the agenda and financial scope, maintaining a dependency model. The brief highlights key priorities for the November 2017 Abidjan Summit, including youth employment, migration, and energy grid investment, while recommending that the AU take a more proactive role in agenda-setting and pursue self-financing mechanisms to reduce donor reliance.

The Center for International Environmental Law criticizes the Green Climate Fund (GCF) for decreasing transparency and hindering civil society participation, specifically citing a proposed ethics policy that acts as a 'gag order' and the practice of holding crucial policy discussions in closed-door 'informal' meetings.

The GCF evaluated its gender policy, finding it more effective in programmatic operations than institutional ones. It proposes transitioning to a 'Gender Equality and Social Inclusion Policy and Action Plan' to broaden its scope beyond women to include other marginalized groups. Key updates include making Gender and Social Inclusion (GESI) plans mandatory for all projects, adopting a human rights-based approach, and implementing Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC) protocols.

The Independent Redress Mechanism (IRM) report for the first three quarters of 2017 details the establishment of its unit, including the recruitment of three full-time staff and membership in the Independent Accountability Mechanism Network (IAMnet). The IRM has developed draft updated terms of reference and is working on procedures and guidelines, a case management system, and a Memorandum of Cooperation for accredited entities. It has provided feedback on GCF safeguard policies and reported that no complaints or requests for reconsideration of funding decisions were received during the period. As of 31 August 2017, the IRM had spent 39% of its approved start-up budget, totaling 385,212 USD.

The GCF Secretariat report for the period of 11 June to 8 September 2017 details progress across its operational divisions. Key achievements include the finalization of 33 Accreditation Master Agreements (AMAs) and 19 Funded Activity Agreements (FAAs), the approval of 123 readiness support requests for 88 countries totaling USD 39.5 million, and the launch of the 'GCF 101' online guide. The Secretariat also advanced its gender mainstreaming efforts, with 84% of approved funding proposals containing a gender assessment. Efforts to secure privileges and immunities continue, with 13 bilateral agreements signed to date. The report also outlines the development of a draft Indigenous Peoples Policy and the progress of the Private Sector Facility, which received approximately 350 concept notes for its 'Mobilizing Funds at Scale' request for proposals.

The document examines the role of collaborative RD&D in accelerating the deployment of climate technologies, particularly in low- and middle-income countries. It analyzes various public and private financing instruments, identifies trends such as the decline of venture capital in hardware-based cleantech, and proposes two modalities for GCF support: strengthening innovation systems and providing targeted RD&D support for specific technologies.