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The document argues that superhot rock energy could provide a ubiquitous, carbon-free, and land-efficient power source for the MENA region, leveraging existing subsurface expertise from the oil and gas industry to overcome technological hurdles.

The document identifies a short-term opportunity for African gas producers to fill global supply gaps caused by the war in Ukraine, but warns that new infrastructure investments face a high risk of becoming stranded assets as the world moves toward net-zero.

The document analyzes Russia's strategic pivot toward Africa as a means to diversify partners and evade Western sanctions following the invasion of Ukraine. It argues that while Africa is not a central priority for the Kremlin, it serves as a critical 'theater' for projecting power, securing natural resources, and challenging US-led unipolarity. The paper details Russia's approach across several sectors, including arms sales, nuclear energy, and mining, while highlighting the role of the Wagner Group in providing security in exchange for resource access. It concludes that Russia leverages African support at the UN to maintain its status as a global power and to promote a multipolar international system.

The 'Roof Over Our Heads' (ROOH) campaign, launched at COP27, focuses on improving housing and living conditions for people in informal settlements in the Global South. The initiative seeks long-term transformation through community empowerment, incremental upgrading, retrofitting, and peer learning, while collaborating with stakeholders and policymakers to secure resources and implement climate-resilient solutions.

The document explores the transition from electronic money to CBDCs, focusing on China's e-CNY as a tool for renminbi internationalisation and its potential impact on Africa. It details the technical differences between cryptocurrencies and CBDCs, the specific two-tier design of the e-CNY, and the risks associated with privacy and financial disintermediation. For Africa, the paper highlights opportunities for financial inclusion and more efficient remittances, while cautioning against the risks of digital divide and state surveillance. It concludes with recommendations for African civil society and policymakers to engage in the design and standard-setting of digital currency frameworks to maintain monetary autonomy.

The author argues that for MC13 to be successful, the WTO must move beyond non-binding declarations toward binding commitments. Key proposals include an exemption for least developed countries (LDCs) from food export restrictions to ensure food availability. However, significant disagreements persist between developing nations (such as India and China) and developed nations (including the US and EU) regarding public stockholding and the reduction of trade-distorting domestic support.

Turkey has expanded its influence in sub-Saharan Africa by leveraging a combination of humanitarian diplomacy, shared religious identity, and an anti-colonial narrative to establish soft power, which has subsequently paved the way for hard power interests. A key pillar of this strategy is the relationship with Somalia, recently solidified by a 10-year Defence and Economic Co-operation Framework Agreement granting Turkey authority over the management and defence of Somali waters. While Turkey positions itself as an alternative to Western powers, it faces competition from other middle powers like the UAE, Qatar, and Egypt. The document notes that Turkey's future engagement will be heavily influenced by its domestic economic crisis, potentially shifting priority toward high-yield economic activities such as defence exports and construction contracts over humanitarian aid.

The report examines the planetary boundaries concept, which identifies nine bio-physical systems essential to human stability. It notes that as of 2023, six of these nine boundaries have been exceeded globally. The document explores the difficulty of 'downscaling' these global limits to national levels, discussing various allocation principles such as equality, needs, and sovereignty. It specifically evaluates the potential for Estonia to calculate its 'own share' of these boundaries to inform national environmental policy, while highlighting significant data gaps and the lack of a harmonized EU-wide methodology.

The report examines the potential effects of International Maritime Organization (IMO) candidate mid-term GHG measures on African economies. Using a CGE model, it finds that a USD100/t carbon levy would generally reduce GDP and household incomes across Africa, increase global food prices, and reduce the supply of maritime services. A case study of Ghana highlights existing freight cost imbalances and the risk of a stranded fleet of older vessels. The authors argue that for such measures to be equitable, revenues must be redistributed as direct grants (not loans) for out-of-sector climate resilience and mitigation, based on criteria including climate vulnerability and historical emissions contributions.

Carbon Market Watch (CMW) reports an estimated 2024 GHG footprint of 39.37 tCO2eq, overshooting its retrospective annual target of 22.61 tCO2eq by 74%. The organization's emissions increased from 34.03 tCO2eq in 2023, primarily due to aviation. Scope 2 emissions, largely from remote work and office energy, are the largest source, while aviation is the second largest. CMW has fully implemented several operational policies regarding ground travel, catering, and sustainable procurement, and maintains an internal carbon levy that raised 3,543 in 2024 to support climate advocacy in the global south.

The report identifies four 'pillars' of protest—demands, strategy, composition, and organization—that influence the size of a movement and the likelihood of regime loyalty shifts. It argues that non-violent, broad-based campaigns demanding regime change are most likely to succeed and lead to democratic consolidation. However, it notes a recent decline in the success rate of such movements and a rise in anti-liberal protests. For international democracy promoters, the report recommends investing in civil society infrastructure during stable periods rather than attempting to instigate regime shifts.

The Energy Progress Report 2024 reveals that the world is not on track to achieve any of the 2030 targets for SDG 7. While 91% of the global population has electricity access, progress reversed in 2022, leaving 685.2 million people without power, with 83% of the deficit in Sub-Saharan Africa. Clean cooking access stands at 74%, but 2.1 billion people still rely on polluting fuels. Renewable energy's share in total final energy consumption was 18.7% in 2021, and global energy intensity improved by only 0.8% in 2021, far below the 2.6% target. International public financial flows to developing countries rebounded to USD 15.4 billion in 2022 but remain well below the 2016 peak of USD 28.5 billion.

The document analyzes the increasing debt distress in Africa, noting that public debt reached 65.6% of GDP in 2022. It highlights the shift toward non-concessional debt and the role of private creditors, who now hold over 40% of Africa's total external debt. The brief argues that the G20's Common Framework needs reform to be more inclusive of middle-income countries and private creditors. It advocates for the establishment of an African Credit Rating Agency to counter perceived biases from global agencies and the creation of an African Debt Monitoring Mechanism by June 2024 to improve transparency. Key recommendations include restructuring multilateral development banks, extending debt repayment periods, and increasing IMF Poverty Reduction Growth Trust access limits.

The document details the friction between developed and developing nations over the design, governance, and funding of the Loss and Damage Fund established at COP27. Key disputes include whether the fund should be a standalone UNFCCC entity or hosted by the World Bank, who should contribute (with the EU suggesting wealthier developing nations like China and Saudi Arabia), and whether the finance should be grants or loans. While a recommendation for a World Bank-hosted Financial Intermediary Fund was proposed, the US abstained due to concerns over legal liability and 'reparations', and the text lacks committed financial targets from developed countries.

The document outlines strategic recommendations for Lebanon's early-stage National Adaptation Plan (NAP) process, drawing on experiences from 12 peer countries. It emphasizes the need for strong institutional leadership, the prioritization of low-cost catalytic actions for implementability, and the blending of public and private finance. Key recommendations include establishing a multistakeholder coordination mechanism, integrating gender equality and social inclusion, and developing a robust monitoring, evaluation, and learning (MEL) system. The analysis highlights specific examples, such as Albania's Inter-Ministerial Working Group and Bosnia and Herzegovina's municipal financing tools, to guide Lebanon in creating a science-based, inclusive, and implementable adaptation strategy.

The report examines the migration crisis in the Eastern Mediterranean, highlighting the interconnectedness of forced displacement with climate change, energy poverty, water scarcity, and healthcare deficits. It focuses on Cyprus as a primary destination for asylum seekers, detailing the strain on infrastructure in the south and the lack of legal frameworks in the north. The author proposes a bi-communal strategy, including a joint Rapid Response Committee and a reception center in the UN Buffer Zone, to manage these transnational human security threats through cooperation between Greek and Turkish Cypriot communities.

The document examines the critical water scarcity and management challenges facing the Eastern Mediterranean, highlighting the stark disparity in water distribution between the northern and southern/eastern regions. It analyzes the compounding effects of climate change, population growth, and political tensions on water security. The author argues for a shift from supply-based infrastructure to integrated water resource management and hydrodiplomacy to mitigate conflicts and foster regional stability.

The We Mean Business Coalition calls for COP28 to establish clear fossil fuel phase-out deadlines, sector-specific targets, and more ambitious Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs). The coalition emphasizes the need for increased finance for nature-based solutions, support for small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs), and global financial system reforms to ensure a just transition.

The briefing highlights the unprecedented inclusion of peace on the COP28 agenda, the role of climate finance as a security tool and geopolitical flashpoint, the environmental and security impacts of the wars in Gaza and Ukraine, and the security implications of the first Global Stocktake's findings on temperature rise.

The report highlights a significant gap between government rhetoric and action regarding fossil fuel subsidies, noting that world governments provided a record USD 1.3 trillion in such subsidies in 2022. It critiques current UNFCCC commitments for lacking deadlines and clear definitions of "inefficient" subsidies. The authors propose several pathways for action at COP 28 and beyond, including the adoption of a 'cover decision', integrating subsidy reform into the first global stocktake, and requiring more ambitious, time-bound commitments in updated Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs). The document also suggests leveraging climate finance discussions, such as the 'net climate finance' concept and the new collective quantified goal (NCQG), to address public financial flows to fossil fuels.