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The Green Economy Coalition (GEC) argues that while the green economy narrative is gaining traction, it requires a shift toward moral and economic storytelling, local 'heroes', and systemic financial reform to become mainstream. The document identifies key narrative 'storylines'—such as economic revival, community empowerment, and financial crisis—and emphasizes that emerging economies are currently adopting these frameworks more enthusiastically than developed nations. It specifically calls for the reform of central banks and monetary policy to address systemic risks like 'stranded assets' and 'carbon bubbles', suggesting that civil society must lead this change to overcome political apathy in the North.

The document analyzes Senegal's foreign policy since 2000, noting a transition from 'classic' diplomacy to a 'technicized' approach where the Ministry of Foreign Affairs lost its monopoly to specialized ministries and non-state actors. It highlights the 'hyper-power' of the presidency, the marginalization of the legislative and judicial branches, and a strategic shift toward emerging economic partners like China and Dubai. The paper concludes that while President Abdoulaye Wade's tenure was marked by high personalization and pan-Africanist ambitions, the 2012 election of Macky Sall signaled a return to more traditional diplomatic relations, particularly with France and neighboring states.

The document analyzes Senegalese foreign policy under President Abdoulaye Wade (2000–2012) and the transition to President Macky Sall. It highlights a shift from 'classical' diplomacy led by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs toward a more technical, economy-centered approach involving non-state actors and specialized ministries. The paper emphasizes the 'hyper-power' of the presidency over the legislature and judiciary in external affairs. Key trends include a realignment toward emerging economic powers like China and Dubai, a revival of Pan-Africanist goals through the African Union and Nepad, and a high degree of personalization in diplomacy under Wade. Following the 2012 election, the author notes a return to traditional diplomacy, characterized by restored ties with France and improved relations with neighbors like Gambia and Mauritania.

The report examines how ICTs impact sustainability across first, second, and third-order effects. It criticizes the Rio+20 summit for failing to systematically address the information society and calls for a new, multistakeholder approach to bridge the paradigm gap between the ICT and sustainable development communities.

The document argues that South Africa's status as an economic gateway is primarily driven by its geography and infrastructure, though this role is challenged by emerging regional and global competitors. It assesses South Africa's capacity as a hub for regional headquarters, logistics, sourcing, and finance, while examining the impact of transport corridors and trade policies on its regional dominance.

A coalition of international, regional, and local NGOs calls on the Human Rights Council to renew the mandate of the Special Procedure regarding the impact of hazardous substances and wastes on human rights. The document argues that the mismanagement of toxic products severely impacts the rights to health, an adequate standard of living, and life, often beginning with a violation of the right to access information. It highlights a gap in existing international chemical instruments, such as the Basel, Stockholm, and Rotterdam Conventions, which do not examine human rights effects, and positions the Special Procedure as critical for mainstreaming human rights into these frameworks and institutions.

The IPEN Dubai Declaration outlines a comprehensive strategy to eliminate persistent organic pollutants (POPs) and other toxic chemicals by 2020. It calls for the adoption of the precautionary principle, the 'no data, no market' rule, and the 'polluter pays' principle. The declaration emphasizes protecting vulnerable populations, including children and indigenous communities, and advocates for a just transition for workers. It further urges the expansion of international agreements like the Stockholm and Rotterdam Conventions and the establishment of a dedicated chemical safety focal area within the Global Environment Facility (GEF).

The document outlines a series of policy recommendations from North American civil society to UNEP, emphasizing the region's responsibility as a major producer of chemicals and emitter of greenhouse gases. It calls for the achievement of the 2020 chemicals safety goal, a transition to sustainable energy services, and the integration of sustainability into all forms of tourism.

The consultation focused on three primary policy areas: energy and the environment, chemicals management, and tourism and the environment. Participants discussed the role of civil society in engaging with UNEP and worked in parallel groups to draft recommendations for a North American Regional Civil Society Statement. The meeting also served to elect representatives for a global drafting session in Bahrain and the Global Civil Society Forum in Dubai.

The document outlines the challenges of global chemicals management, the existing legal frameworks, and the proposed Strategic Approach to International Chemicals Management (SAICM) aimed at minimizing adverse effects on health and environment by 2020.

The Goldenberg scandal was a massive financial fraud in Kenya during the Daniel Arap Moi administration, estimated to have cost the country between US $600 million and US $1 billion. The scheme utilized a fake gold and diamond jewellery export operation to claim illegal export compensation and siphoned funds through the Central Bank of Kenya (CBK) and various commercial banks, including the specifically created Exchange Bank. The fraud was facilitated by senior government officials who granted Goldenberg International Limited monopoly rights and preferential subsidies. The resulting economic instability led to rapid money supply growth, high inflation, and the collapse of several banks in 1993. Despite a 2003 Commission of Inquiry, the document notes the difficulty in prosecuting the perpetrators due to political interference.

The report details how fossil fuel companies use paid advertising and 'organic' content on platforms like TikTok, Meta, Google, and X/Twitter to control the narrative around carbon capture and storage (CCS). It highlights Chevron's use of a 'low-budget' aesthetic and diverse ambassadors on TikTok to target Gen-Z, and the prevalence of industry-sponsored results at the top of Google searches for 'carbon capture'. The analysis also notes a trend where organic opposition to CCS on social media is sometimes driven by conspiracy theories, such as those involving 'The Great Reset' or vaccines, alongside good-faith scientific criticism.

The Clean Air Task Force (CATF) is seeking $10 million over five years to implement a strategy for decarbonization in the Middle East. The initiative focuses on transitioning the region away from unabated fossil fuels, diversifying economies, and establishing a shared climate vision among Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Qatar. Key objectives include reducing methane emissions by 30 percent by 2030 and deploying technologies such as carbon management, zero-carbon fuels, and nuclear energy.

The document argues that climate change disproportionately harms disadvantaged people and that current policies are failing to achieve gender equality and low-carbon commitments. It calls for the integration of gender equality and low-carbon development goals to avoid 'maladaptation' and ensure just transitions. The call to action provides specific recommendations for governments, multilateral organisations, the private sector, and LGBTQIA+ movements to foster gender-equitable 'green' and 'blue' economies, improve women's access to resources, and increase the climate literacy of gender equality movements.

The document argues that the Loss and Damage Fund (LDF) must move beyond procedural participation to a human-rights-based framework that empowers the most affected communities. It recommends establishing robust modalities for Active Observers, creating a community access window for small grants, and implementing an independent grievance redress mechanism. The brief emphasizes that relying on World Bank standards for environmental and social safeguards or information disclosure is insufficient for the LDF's specific mission of climate justice.

The Willis Transportation Outlook examines how transport infrastructure serves as a primary driver of global economic development and wealth creation. It highlights a shift in aviation and trade growth toward Asia and the Middle East, while developed nations like the UK struggle with political instability and aging infrastructure. The document emphasizes the transition toward 'intelligent mobility'—using smart data and connectivity to reduce congestion—and the urgent need for climate-resilient infrastructure to withstand extreme weather. It also explores innovative funding models like Public-Private Partnerships (PPPs) and the role of China's investment in African transport networks.

The document outlines the structure of COP28, including its constituent meetings (COP28, CMA5, CMP18, SBI 59, and SBSTA 59) and the three main goals of the Paris Agreement: limiting temperature rise to 1.5°C, adapting to climate change, and aligning finance flows. It details the thematic program from November 30 to December 12, 2023, the role of the Youth Climate Champion, and the significance of the first-ever Global Stocktake, which found the world is far from achieving Paris Agreement goals. The text also describes the distinction between the Blue Zone for negotiations and the Green Zone for public engagement.

The document argues that fossil fuel production is the primary driver of the climate emergency and must be directly addressed in NDCs to meet the 1.5°C temperature limit. It proposes a comprehensive framework of commitments, including phasing out extraction, ending new licenses, and redirecting subsidies, while emphasizing a just transition for workers and developing nations. The memo justifies these inclusions through the Paris Agreement's purpose, the UNFCCC's precautionary principle, and recent outcomes like the COP28 Global Stocktake.

The document provides an overview of the UN's COP process, detailing the outcomes of COP29 and the objectives for COP30 in Belém, Brazil. It highlights the tension between urgent climate action—such as the 'Baku to Belem Roadmap' to raise $1.3 trillion in climate finance and the submission of updated National Determined Contributions (NDCs)—and the influence of fossil fuel lobbyists and petrostates. The guide specifically critiques the role of industry lobbyists at recent summits and notes the contradiction of Brazil's presidency given its plans to expand oil and gas production by 20% by 2030.

The report details how armed groups in the Central African Republic, specifically the Seleka and anti-balaka, have systematically exploited diamond resources to fund violence. It highlights the failure of the Kimberley Process suspension to stop the flow of diamonds, which are 'naturalised' in neighbouring countries like Cameroon to enter international markets. The document warns that the introduction of 'compliant zones' for legal exports risks legitimising conflict diamonds, particularly those amassed in stockpiles by buying houses like Sodiam and Badica during the export ban.