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The document presents results from a pilot study of 177 armed conflict actors in 20 African countries. It finds that sexual violence is often indiscriminate, frequently committed by state armies, and can persist in post-conflict periods or years with low killing rates. The study emphasizes that sexual violence is not an inevitable part of war, as many actors do not engage in it, and recommends improved reporting mechanisms and targeted interventions to reduce its occurrence.

The document evaluates 76 CDM bioenergy projects to determine which types offer the most sustainable development benefits. It finds that projects using agricultural residues, particularly on-farm residues, claim the highest benefits, while forest residue projects claim the fewest. The analysis highlights a lack of verification systems for these claims and notes that very few projects improve rural energy access.

The report advocates for Zero Net Deforestation and Forest Degradation (ZNDD) by 2020 to protect biodiversity and mitigate climate change. Using the Living Forests Model developed with IIASA, it analyzes various scenarios, including a 'Do Nothing' baseline and a 'Target' scenario. The findings suggest that while ZNDD is technically possible in the short term, maintaining it beyond 2030 will require unprecedented increases in agricultural productivity and significant shifts in global consumption patterns, particularly regarding animal calories. The document highlights critical trade-offs, such as the risk of shifting environmental pressure to non-forest biomes like grasslands and the potential for increased agricultural pollution due to intensification.

The report examines South Africa's 2011–2012 tenure on the UN Security Council, highlighting the tension between its aspirations for permanent membership and the rigidities of the Ezulwini Consensus. It analyzes global power shifts, specifically the decline of US omnipotence and the rise of China, and identifies key thematic priorities for South Africa, including the UN-AU relationship on peacebuilding, the 'peace versus justice' debate regarding the ICC and Article 16, holistic counter-terrorism strategies, and nuclear non-proliferation. The document argues that South Africa must balance its identity as a global actor with its leadership role in Africa to effectively influence an anachronistic Council.

The document analyzes the mediation efforts of Thabo Mbeki, chair of the AU High Level Implementation Panel for Sudan, in negotiations between the National Congress Party (NCP) and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM). It outlines four potential post-referendum scenarios ranging from complete separation to a unified Sudan, while highlighting critical challenges such as oil governance, border disputes, and the risk of unilateral actions. The brief emphasizes that the outcome of the referendum will serve as a test case for the African Union's approach to secession and colonial borders across the continent.

The document outlines Africa's high vulnerability to climate change and its significant investment gaps in adaptation and mitigation. It evaluates the AGF's proposal to mobilise US$100 billion annually by 2020, highlighting potential public funding sources like carbon taxes and fossil fuel subsidy redirection, while stressing the need for grants for adaptation and regulatory reforms to attract private investment in carbon markets.

The policy brief introduces 'climate compatible development' as a framework to move beyond the traditional separation of adaptation, mitigation, and development strategies. It argues that policy makers must integrate these three pillars to achieve 'triple win' strategies that minimize climate threats while maximizing development opportunities. The document highlights the 'new development landscape' characterized by shifting trade patterns, new climate finance mechanisms based on 'polluter-pays' principles, and the need for long-term national consensus to navigate risks and uncertainties.

The document argues that policymakers must move beyond the traditional separation of adaptation, mitigation, and development to avoid inefficiencies and conflicting strategies. It defines 'Climate Compatible Development' as a framework for 'Triple Win' strategies that minimize climate impacts while maximizing opportunities in a low-emission future. The brief details how mitigation (e.g., REDD+), adaptation (e.g., disaster risk reduction), and economic development (e.g., transitioning away from high-carbon exports) must be merged. It highlights the role of climate finance, shifting from charity to the 'polluter pays' principle, and emphasizes the need for national governance systems that integrate climate goals into budgets and plans to ensure benefits reach poor populations.

The document examines the rise of Private Military and Security Companies (PMSCs) and the challenges they pose to state monopolies on force. It argues that while PMSCs offer specialized skills and logistical support that could enhance African peacekeeping and Security Sector Reform (SSR), a critical lack of a binding international legal framework leads to accountability gaps and human rights abuses. The author distinguishes PMSCs from mercenaries and advocates for a supportive, non-offensive role for these companies, regulated by international law to prevent impunity.

The document examines how natural resources—both through abundance and scarcity—fuel social and armed conflicts in Africa. It argues that traditional peace processes often fail by focusing on 'high politics' (like power-sharing) while ignoring the underlying political economy of resource distribution. Using the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (IC/GLR), and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) as examples, the author advocates for integrating natural resource management into diplomatic and mediation frameworks to achieve sustainable peace.

The DRC faces significant hurdles in establishing state authority and territorial integrity, complicated by a stalled decentralisation process and border disputes over oil and gas deposits. The transition from MONUC to MONUSCO represents a symbolic shift toward stabilisation, while the STAREC programme attempts to restore basic institutional infrastructure in conflict zones. Resource governance remains precarious due to illegal mineral trade, lack of monitoring technology for oil exports, and legal disputes over mining contracts involving international corporations.

The document examines the 2010 Burundian elections, which were marked by a widespread opposition boycott of the presidential race and a subsequent shift toward one-party dominance by the CNDD-FDD. It traces the roots of this crisis to constitutional disputes and the ruling party's perceived authoritarianism since 2005. The author warns that while a full-scale rebellion is currently remote, the lack of trust and exclusion of opposition parties could lead to gradual political deterioration or renewed violence. Recommendations include urgent international mediation by the East African Community and the UN, as well as long-term capacity building to transform former rebel movements into democratic political parties.

The document examines the 'societal nexus' of resource extraction in Africa, where the intersection of state, corporate, and community interests often leads to conflict, poverty, and alienation. It highlights how historical trauma and corruption hinder the establishment of civic peace and transparent governance. Using examples from the DRC, Nigeria, Ghana, and Uganda, the author argues that transforming the 'war of words' and zero-sum competition into a discourse of cooperation and shared learning is essential for sustainable development.

The document presents the DICER (DICE-Regional) model, which improves upon the DICE2007 model by introducing regional specifications for damage and abatement cost functions and a modified climate module. Initial deterministic results indicate lower peak temperatures (2.6°C) and more rapid emission reductions compared to DICE2007. The authors also propose a risk-adjusted cost-benefit analysis using option pricing to account for uncertainty, finding that incorporating volatility in damages and costs lowers maximum mean temperatures by approximately 0.5°C.

The report details a two-day conference in Nairobi focused on the integration of the private security sector into African peacekeeping. It examines the shift from 'combat' roles to 'non-core' military functions, the tension between state monopolies on force and the efficiency of private contractors, and the urgent need for binding international regulatory frameworks to replace non-binding guidelines like the Montreux Document.

The World Bank is criticized as a major climate polluter that uses its role in climate finance to maintain developed country control over developing nations. Despite its rhetoric, the Bank continues to fund carbon-intensive projects, such as a $3.75 billion coal plant loan to South Africa, and promotes flawed carbon offsetting and forest conservation schemes. The report contrasts the World Bank's donor-controlled Climate Investment Funds (CIFs) with the more equitable, grant-based UNFCCC Adaptation Fund, calling for a transition to a Global Climate Fund accountable to the Conference of Parties.

The report argues that the expansion of agrofuels in Africa, driven largely by European Union mandates, leads to 'neo-colonialism' where land is acquired by foreign companies and governments. This process results in the displacement of local farmers, increased food insecurity, and significant ecological damage, including deforestation and water scarcity. The document highlights the 'myth of marginal lands,' asserting that land claimed as unused is often vital for communal survival. It recommends halting land acquisitions, prioritizing food sovereignty, and ensuring the free, prior, and informed consent of local communities.

The report argues that the 2006–2008 global food crisis was a spike in a long-term trend of food insecurity in Southern Africa. It highlights the Comprehensive African Agricultural Development Program (CAADP) as the primary framework for coordinated regional responses, emphasizing long-term structural improvements over short-term reactionary measures. The analysis covers specific SADC and COMESA initiatives, the role of strategic grain reserves, and the impact of international trade subsidies on African agricultural productivity.

The National Chairman of the South African Institute of International Affairs reviews the 2009-2010 period, highlighting South Africa's influence in the G20 and the BASIC group during the Copenhagen Climate Change Summit. It discusses the need for reform in Bretton Woods institutions and the challenges of democratic stability in Africa, specifically in Zimbabwe, Nigeria, and Sudan. The statement also outlines President Zuma's prioritisation of bilateral relations with Angola, Brazil, and the UK, and the establishment of the South African Development Partnership Agency (SADPA).

The author contends that South Africa is experiencing a retrenchment of its global diplomatic ambition under President Zuma, characterized by a lack of policy clarity and a 'managerial lacuna' within the government. While acknowledging the institutional legacy of the African Union left by former President Mbeki, the text warns that continental crises—including climate change, energy insecurity, and water stress—require decisive leadership that is currently absent. The author calls for greater policy coherence between the Department of International Relations and Co-Operation (DIRCO) and other state organs and the private sector, suggesting that DIRCO must modernize its diplomatic skills to include environmental and economic literacy to drive domestic growth.