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The document examines Resource-for-Infrastructure (RFI) agreements, which allow resource-rich but credit-constrained developing countries to secure infrastructure funding by securitizing future mineral or oil revenues. Using the Sicomines deal in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) as a case study, the author highlights the benefits of rapid investment and reduced embezzlement risks, while warning against high costs, poor quality, and a lack of transparency. The brief recommends increasing supply-side competition, implementing third-party quality controls, and adopting conservative risk calculations to improve the outcomes of such deals.

The report analyzes electricity access in 20 high-deficit countries by comparing government reports, utility data, household surveys, and solar sales. It consistently finds that household consumption (wealth) is a stronger driver of access disparity than gender, although specific national patterns vary. In many cases, significant gaps exist between formal utility connection rates and household survey results, often attributed to off-grid solutions, informal connections, or self-supply methods like diesel generators.

The document examines the tension between Rwanda's national development goals—such as becoming a middle-income country by 2020—and the resulting pressure on natural resources at the district level. Focusing on Rutsiro, Bugesera, and Kirehe, it identifies widespread scarcity of woody biomass and clean water, driven by urban demand for charcoal and traditional farming practices. It argues that while national strategies like the Green Growth and Climate Resilience Strategy exist, there is a gap in translating these into local action, necessitating tailored district-level solutions and national policy incentives to shift urban energy demand away from charcoal.

The document argues that communication and information poverty—characterized by lack of access to platforms, media misrepresentation, and low media literacy—undermines the achievement of the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). It specifically analyzes the intersections between communication rights and SDGs 5, 9, 16, and 17, while providing recommendations for a rights-based approach to communication. The report highlights the need to democratize media systems, increase digital media literacy, and address the specific needs of marginalized groups, particularly Indigenous peoples, which it claims are insufficiently addressed in Agenda 2030.

The research paper examines the persistent issue of sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) perpetrated by UN peacekeepers, particularly in conflict-affected regions of Africa. It highlights how power imbalances and poverty drive transactional sex and notes that legal hurdles, such as Status of Force Agreements (SOFAs), often shield perpetrators from prosecution by leaving jurisdiction with home countries. The paper details the UN's response through Resolution 1325 and Resolution 2272, the latter of which empowers the Secretary-General to repatriate troops and requires member states to report on investigations. It concludes that while reforms under Secretary-General António Guterres provide an opportunity for improvement, success depends on sustained political will and balancing troop deployment needs with stringent vetting.

The report finds that 16 of the 25 major emitting countries and regions analysed are not on track to meet their self-determined NDC targets. While some countries like Brazil, China, and India are likely to achieve their targets with current policies, others, including the US, EU, and Canada, require additional measures. Furthermore, current policies are projected to fail to prevent emissions from increasing up to 2030 relative to 2010 levels in both developing and OECD nations, with only Japan and the EU projected to see further decreases.

The paper identifies a lack of trust as a primary barrier to scaling REDD+ investment, stemming from system complexity, concerns over environmental and social robustness, and perceived implementation gaps. It proposes applying the International Accounting Standards Board's Conceptual framework for financial reporting to REDD+ accounting to address these issues. Key recommendations include tailoring reporting to end-users, standardising uncertainty analyses, requiring independent third-party verification, and creating a roadmap to harmonise reference levels and monitoring requirements across different global frameworks.

This report by the Institute for Security Studies examines the African Union's (AU) use of mediation as a conflict-prevention tool. It analyzes the institutional gaps, the tension between formal and informal approaches, and the need for a more structured, long-term strategy to address the root causes of conflict in Africa.

The report examines the 'gathering storm clouds' of political and economic uncertainty in the Central African Economic and Monetary Community (CEMAC) region. It argues that a combination of commodity price collapses, neo-patrimonial governance, and rapid population growth is creating a volatile environment. The analysis highlights a critical gap between population growth and the provision of basic services, alongside a history of 'pseudo-democratic' regimes that resist genuine political transition. The authors warn that without strategic diversification of economies and significant investment in human capital, the region's large youth population could become a catalyst for further instability and violence.

The document challenges the narrative that water scarcity directly causes violent conflict, asserting instead that the 'politics of water'—including corruption, marginalization, and poor state management—increases conflict risks. While Africa faces significant physical water stress, with 65% of the population experiencing occasional stress and 82% of the continent being arid or semi-arid, empirical research suggests that scarcity often leads to cooperation rather than violence. Conflict typically emerges when water is treated as a 'club good' distributed based on political weight or social networks rather than need. This is particularly evident in the disparity between urban and rural access, the prioritization of cash crops for irrigation, and the rise of informal service providers, such as gangs and militias, who exploit water needs for profit in weak states.

The report finds that 'green finance' aligned with forest and climate goals is severely insufficient, totaling roughly USD 20 billion since 2010, and is dwarfed by 'grey finance'—investments in agricultural drivers of deforestation—which amounts to USD 777 billion. While results-based REDD+ payments have mobilized over USD 4.1 billion, disbursements remain limited. The authors argue that achieving zero deforestation by 2030 requires a dramatic shift of existing financial flows away from deforestation drivers toward sustainable land use and the strengthening of private sector ESG policies.

The report details a conflict analysis conducted in the Maiko-Tayna-Kahuzi-Biega (MTKB) landscape of the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. It identifies specific conflicts in Maiko National Park, Kahuzi-Biega National Park, and the Itombwe Nature Reserve, analyzing their root causes and effects to propose targeted interventions. The document emphasizes the use of conflict-sensitive conservation (CSC) tools—such as conflict trees and stakeholder mapping—to balance biodiversity protection with the needs of local populations and the realities of regional instability.

The document examines the deteriorating security and political situation in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) as of October 2017, specifically focusing on the repeated postponement of national elections by President Joseph Kabila and the humanitarian crisis in the Kasai region. It criticizes SADC for its 'lacklustre' response and adherence to 'non-interference', which the author suggests aligns the body with the incumbent regime. The briefing warns that further instability could trigger a full-scale war, exacerbate refugee flows into neighbouring countries like Angola, and undermine previous peace gains. It recommends that SADC pressure President Kabila to hold elections, condemn government involvement in mass killings, and revive its role as a peace facilitator.

The document analyzes the strategic relationship between Angola and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), asserting that the DRC is Luanda's most critical foreign policy objective. It details Angola's history of military intervention to protect the Congolese government and its own security interests, while noting a recent shift in policy. Angola is now signaling impatience with President Joseph Kabila's delay of elections, which Luanda views as a threat to long-term stability. This tension is exacerbated by the influx of over 32,000 refugees from the Kasai region into Angola since April 2017. The author concludes that while economic constraints may deter immediate military action, Angola will prioritize the DRC's political transition to prevent regional destabilization.

The briefing examines the rise of agricultural growth poles, or agropoles, across Africa as a strategy to attract private investment and transition from subsistence to commercial agriculture. It identifies 36 growth poles and 9 corridors across 23 countries, covering at least 3.5 million hectares. While these tools aim to boost competitiveness and industrialization, the document highlights operational failures, such as delays in Morocco and Senegal, and risks like 'land grabbing' and the creation of economic dualism. It argues that for agropoles to be sustainable, they must be supported by robust national legal frameworks, avoid restrictive stabilization clauses, and follow a three-step development process: vision, design, and implementation, with a strong emphasis on community engagement and environmental impact assessments.

The policy brief examines the rise of agricultural growth poles in Africa, which are coordinated investments designed to shift the continent from subsistence to commercial agriculture. While these 'agropoles' aim to attract private investment and promote industrialization, the document highlights significant operational challenges, including poor coordination, financial mismanagement, and risks to small-scale farmers. It argues that for these initiatives to be sustainable, governments must implement robust legal frameworks, avoid stabilization provisions in contracts, and follow a three-stage development process consisting of vision, design, and implementation, with a strong emphasis on transparency and community engagement.

The document examines the tension in South Africa between the desire to attract skilled migrants and the drive to deter irregular, semi-skilled migration. It critiques the 2016 Green Paper on International Migration for proposing regressive asylum policies, such as processing centres, while noting positive steps toward regional SADC integration and the retention of foreign graduates. The authors highlight systemic bottlenecks, including poor inter-departmental coordination and the negative impact of the Licensing of Small Businesses Bill on migrant entrepreneurs, and argue that xenophobia is exacerbated by government discourse linking irregular migration to national security.

The paper investigates the dynamics between South Africa, as a regional hegemon, and several 'secondary powers' in sub-Saharan Africa. It concludes that while these states possess significant material power, their ability to contest South African leadership is limited by poor governance and a lack of overlapping strategic interests. Most contestation is found to be unintended, with the exception of Angola, which employs a strategy of soft balancing through economic protectionism and strategic investments.

The report documents a general decline in open domestic ivory markets across Central Africa from 2007 to 2015, with trade shifting toward underground transactions and raw ivory exports to Asia, particularly China. While most cities saw a near total disappearance of displayed ivory, Kinshasa remained a significant hub. The decline is attributed to increased law enforcement, rising raw ivory prices driven by Asian demand, and crashing elephant populations. The report also highlights severe deficiencies in government stockpile management, with an estimated 56,497 kg of ivory leaking from state custody between 1990 and 2015.

The assessment finds that Rwanda possesses a strong legal and regulatory framework for mining, particularly in permitting and the formalization of artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM). However, it identifies significant gaps in the implementation of these policies, specifically regarding environmental monitoring, socioeconomic impact assessments, and mine closure planning. While the government shows a strong willingness to improve the sector, the report highlights a lack of technical capacity and a need for better integration between the Rwanda Development Board (RDB) and the Ministry of Natural Resources (MINIRENA).