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The CJEU ruled on 13 December (2018) that cities such as Brussels, Paris, and Madrid have standing under Article 263 TFEU to challenge EU regulations if those regulations prevent them from exercising their regulatory powers. In this case, the cities successfully challenged the 'conformity factor' in Commission Regulation 2016/646, which had relaxed the Euro 6 emissions standard. The court found that the regulation restricted the cities' ability to ban vehicles that met the relaxed standard but exceeded stricter emission limits. This decision is framed as a landmark for access to justice, potentially allowing cities to act as environmental watchdogs and challenge other EU measures, such as the authorization of glyphosate.

The report finds that currently agreed EU and Member State policies are on track to deliver a 50% reduction in greenhouse gas emissions by 2030 compared to 1990 levels, surpassing the existing 40% target. Using the E3ME model, the analysis suggests that further adjustments to coal phase-outs, energy efficiency, and electric vehicle penetration could increase this reduction to 58%. However, the report warns that the EU Emissions Trading System (ETS) remains vulnerable to a growing surplus of allowances as emissions fall faster than the current cap, necessitating reforms such as a one-off cap reset in 2026 to maintain a meaningful carbon price.

The report argues that early action on just energy transitions can minimize negative impacts on workers and communities while maximizing opportunities in low-carbon sectors. It outlines a 'How-To' framework consisting of four key stages: understanding the political economy context, identifying champions, making the case through inclusive communication, and implementing complementary policies such as retraining and economic diversification. The document emphasizes that a just transition is not a fixed set of rules but a negotiated process based on social dialogue and tripartism. Through case studies, it demonstrates various approaches: Canada's use of a high-level Task Force, Egypt and Indonesia's reallocation of fossil fuel subsidies into social and infrastructure programs, and Poland's use of 'golden handshakes' and regional support for mining communes. It concludes that overcoming 'carbon lock-in' requires transparent communication, tangible short-term benefits, and the mobilization of dedicated funding from sources like energy taxes or subsidy reforms.

The report finds that ten companies were responsible for an estimated two-thirds of the health damage caused by EU coal power plants in 2016, including 7,600 premature deaths. RWE is identified as the most harmful company, with health costs of €5.4 billion in 2016. The analysis highlights that for many companies, the health costs imposed on society are similar in magnitude to the revenues they earn from selling coal-fired electricity. The report argues that companies are 'clinging to coal' through lack of retirement plans, continued investment in old plants, and lobbying for subsidies, and recommends a full phase-out of coal by 2030.

The report updates global climate finance estimates for 2015 and 2016, finding an annual average of USD 463 billion. While private investment remains the dominant source, particularly in renewables and the growing electric vehicle sector, the report highlights significant data gaps in tracking adaptation and energy efficiency. It also discusses the challenges of operationalizing Article 2.1(c) of the Paris Agreement to ensure all financial flows are consistent with low-emission and climate-resilient development.

The document examines the scale of public money supporting fossil fuels in G20 countries and presents case studies of reforms to align these flows with the Paris Agreement and Sustainable Development Goals. It highlights the use of consumption and production subsidy removals, increased taxation, and the diversification of state-owned enterprise investments. The paper argues that shifting these resources can create fiscal space for social protection, health, and clean energy, while recommending that G20 nations adopt ambitious reform timelines and protect vulnerable groups during the transition.

The report examines how G20 countries can shift public funds away from fossil fuels through subsidy reform, increased taxation, and the redirection of state-owned enterprise investments. It highlights specific national examples, such as Indonesia's consumption subsidy reform and the EU's transition funds, while arguing that the current scale of public support for fossil fuels hinders decarbonization and sustainable development.

The Defenders in Development Campaign urges states and development finance institutions (DFIs) to integrate human rights protections into development projects, noting that defenders of land and environmental rights face extreme risks of violence and criminalization.

The document analyzes the challenges states face when seeking security for costs in ISDS, noting that tribunals often apply an excessively high threshold for granting such orders. It highlights the impact of third-party funding and the inconsistency of current jurisprudence, ultimately proposing specific treaty language to standardize the process and ensure investors can satisfy cost awards.

The document examines the challenges states face in obtaining security for costs in investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS), noting that tribunals often apply extremely strict criteria. It highlights the risks posed by third-party funding and the lack of consistent rules in arbitration frameworks. To address this, the guide proposes specific treaty language to mandate security for costs when investors are likely insolvent or use 'hit and run' third-party funding.

The document examines the transition from a linear to a circular economy, highlighting its potential to create jobs and increase GDP. It synthesizes projections from various international bodies, noting that while Europe has extensive data suggesting net job gains in recycling and services, Canada's 'environmental and clean technology' sector employs approximately 274,000 people as of 2016, though its growth lags behind the broader economy.

The document outlines the process for developing long-term low greenhouse gas emission development strategies, emphasizing their role in guiding near- and medium-term actions and avoiding stranded assets. It details essential design elements, including long-term visions, sectoral pathways, and the critical role of the energy sector. The paper also discusses the use of modeling, scenarios, and qualitative inputs to inform these strategies, while highlighting the importance of transparent communication and just transitions.

The report details a growing movement across Europe to replace the 'war on drugs' with policies based on harm reduction, public health, and human rights. It provides country-specific accounts from Belgium, the Czech Republic, France, Germany, Hungary, the Netherlands, Poland, Spain, and the UK, highlighting a tension between restrictive national laws and progressive proposals for decriminalisation, legalisation of cannabis, and the implementation of safe consumption rooms.

The document advocates for the European Union to lead the 'Mission 2020' initiative, which aims to bend the global emissions curve by 2020 to stay within the 2-degree Celsius limit of the Paris Agreement. It argues that the EU can use its existing institutional frameworks, specifically regional cohesion and structural funds, to support a just transition toward low-carbon economies. The text emphasizes a shift from centralized energy production to decentralized, community-based renewable energy systems to empower local actors and counteract populist movements. It cites historical industrial transitions in regions like the Ruhr Area as evidence that such structural changes can be managed. Additionally, it highlights the role of bottom-up movements, such as the Transition Town Movement and the fossil fuel divestment movement, in driving decarbonization.

The document warns that without a 550gCO2/kWh limit on capacity payments, Europe's 256 operational coal plants could be 'supercharged', potentially extending their design life from 40 to 60 years. It identifies multiple EU policy gaps—including low carbon prices, biomass co-firing, and mining cross-subsidies—that already favour coal. The author contends that poorly designed capacity markets risk crowding out flexible, low-carbon alternatives like batteries and demand-side response, arguing that clean capacity is already cheaper than extending old coal plants.

The Visegrad Four countries lack a coordinated policy on fake news, often treating it as an external security threat while ignoring misinformation spread by their own ruling elites. While the Czech Republic has a dedicated government body for hybrid threats and Poland participates in international counter-hybrid warfare centers, Slovakia relies more on civil society and commercial initiatives to filter dubious content. Hungary is noted for a lack of active government opposition to fake news, with the ruling party itself accused of spreading conspiracy theories. The document warns that this fragmented landscape increases vulnerability to pro-Kremlin influence and populist rhetoric, potentially impacting the 2019 EU parliamentary elections.

The Czech Greens, as part of Prague's governing coalition since 2014, struggle to implement sustainable urban visions against pro-business forces and a legacy of neoliberalism. Key conflicts center on restricting the power of private developers to ensure the provision of public goods and expanding public transport to reduce car dependency. While the party has successfully lowered public transport costs and improved developer transparency through new planning centers and public participation, they face significant opposition from coalition partners and developers who favor suburban expansion. The party also views the improvement of regional transport links as a strategic way to bridge the political divide between pro-European urban centers and Eurosceptic rural areas.

The report examines biomass co-firing across Europe, noting that in Finland, Denmark, the Czech Republic, and Hungary, biomass is often used alongside fossil fuels. It argues that subsidies for co-firing can hinder the phase-out of coal and peat, specifically citing cases in Finland and the Netherlands where financial support may extend the lifetimes of fossil-fuel plants.

The ATT Monitor 2017 report finds that while the Arms Trade Treaty (ATT) has seen steady universalization, progress in public reporting is disappointing in both quantity and quality. Analysis of 2015 Annual Reports reveals significant discrepancies between reported exports and imports, with only 6% of analyzed small arms and light weapons (SALW) transactions being exactly mirrored. The report highlights a critical gap between reported implementation measures in Initial Reports and actual practice on the ground. It also introduces the 'Risk Watch' tool, which uses a typology of individual, group, institutional, and conflict violence to identify contexts where arms transfers may fuel human rights abuses.

The document evaluates EU countries' positions on the Effort Sharing Regulation (ESR), which covers 60% of EU greenhouse gas emissions. Using a scoring system across five categories—starting point, land use loopholes, ETS surplus loopholes, governance, and ambition levels—it ranks Sweden as the leader and Poland as the lowest performer. The brief argues that most EU countries are pushing for loopholes that undermine the Paris Agreement, with the European Commission's own proposal scoring only 20 out of 100 points.