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The document argues that the world must move beyond incremental change to a systemic low-carbon transformation. It identifies commercially available technologies in energy efficiency, renewable energy, and land-use practices that can be scaled immediately. It emphasizes the need for carbon pricing, the elimination of fossil fuel subsidies, and a rapid phase-out of unabated coal to avoid catastrophic climate feedbacks and high future mitigation costs.

The text asserts that the transition to a sustainable society faces strong resistance from fossil fuel producers, agribusiness, and neoliberal interests. It argues that the European Union must remain unified and integrate social redistribution to effectively combat climate change and biodiversity loss, as nationalistic trends only benefit conservative forces. The author emphasizes that global climate leadership requires a determined EU that can first establish internal solidarity and social justice.

The document details SEI's multi-scale approach to climate mitigation, focusing on sub-national policy for cities, the necessity of limiting fossil-fuel infrastructure to meet the 2°C target, and the strategic use of modern bioenergy in developing countries. It highlights the use of the LEAP system for low-carbon planning and describes ongoing efforts to integrate social variables into technical climate analysis.

The briefing argues that Shell exerts significant influence over the Rio+20 process by occupying senior leadership roles in a 'complex and hermetic web' of interlinked business associations and UN-affiliated initiatives. It details Shell's presence in the International Chamber of Commerce (ICC), World Business Council for Sustainable Development (WBCSD), UN Global Compact, IPIECA, and IETA, highlighting how these entities coordinate through Business Action for Sustainable Development 2012 (BASD) to shape sustainable development policy.

The report argues that public procurement, representing a significant portion of GDP in many nations, can catalyze green growth by creating secure demand for sustainable products and services. It emphasizes that while incremental improvements are common, 'transformative change' is necessary to decouple economic growth from natural capital depletion. Through case studies in the US, Brazil, China, Denmark, India, and Vietnam, the document illustrates different approaches to Green Public Procurement (GPP), such as the EPEAT rating system for electronics and Denmark's use of output-based specifications. The report concludes that aligning procurement with R&D investment, adopting life cycle costing (LCC), and utilizing performance-based specifications are essential for triggering systemic green innovation.

The report argues that governments can leverage their significant purchasing power to transform industry growth into green growth by incentivizing investment in sustainable products and services. It details various frameworks for innovation—ranging from reactive to transformative—and provides global case studies from countries like Denmark, Brazil, China, India, Australia, and Vietnam to demonstrate the practical application of GPP. Key recommendations include the adoption of life cycle costing, the use of performance-based specifications, and the integration of sustainability criteria into electronic business systems to move beyond a focus on the lowest initial purchase price.

The document argues that international climate governance lacks the systematic evaluation criteria present in domestic policy contexts. To address this, it proposes a matrix consisting of six specific criteria—Level of Ambition, Compliance Facilitation and Control, Institutional Capacity, Participation and Inclusiveness, Systemic Coherence, and Political and Economic Feasibility—to facilitate a more transparent assessment of competing climate architectures and regimes.

The report outlines a pathway for Seattle to reach net zero greenhouse gas emissions by 2050. By implementing aggressive strategies across transportation, buildings, and waste, the city could reduce per capita core emissions by 91% relative to 2008 levels. Key drivers include a massive shift toward electric vehicles, deep energy efficiency retrofits in the built environment, and a transition to low-carbon energy sources like biomass-fired district energy. While the scenario achieves a 90% reduction in core emissions, the report notes that the final 10% may require offsets or sequestration.

The report investigates how positions are formulated within the African Union (AU) and Regional Economic Communities (RECs), highlighting the tension between intergovernmentalism and supranationalism. It uses the 2009 Copenhagen climate negotiations as a case study to show how national interests and regional rivalries—such as those between Ethiopia and Sudan—undermine a unified African voice. The document also critiques the EU's approach to Africa, particularly the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs), arguing that the EU often ignores the complexity of African regional dynamics. Finally, it assesses peace and security architectures in Southern Africa (SADC) and the Horn of Africa (IGAD), noting that external financial incentives often drive missions that lack a solid local mandate.

The authors argue that current community-scale emissions targets, such as 80% reductions by 2050, do not account for the UNFCCC principle of "common but differentiated responsibility." By applying the Greenhouse Development Rights (GDR) framework to Seattle, the study finds that an equitable global obligation would require the city to become carbon "negative" before 2020. This does not imply physical sequestration but rather a role where wealthy cities dramatically reduce their own emissions while financing low-carbon transitions in developing regions. The paper suggests that communities can use offsets or direct technology and financial transfers to meet these obligations and recommends that local governments integrate global equity into their official climate action plans.

The document outlines the context for a survey conducted between December 24, 2009, and January 4, 2010, involving 1,001 American adults. It frames this study against a "perfect storm" of events in late 2009, including the "Climategate" email breach at the University of East Anglia, errors in the IPCC 4th Assessment Report, the failure of the Copenhagen treaty negotiations, and the stalling of U.S. climate legislation. The survey aims to measure changes in risk perceptions and policy preferences compared to a baseline survey of 2,164 adults from late 2008.

The report documents that commuters in cars, buses, trains, and ferries are routinely exposed to high levels of diesel exhaust, with ultrafine particles (UFPs) serving as the most sensitive marker of fresh diesel emissions. Findings indicate that diesel soot dominates roadway particulate matter and that in-vehicle exposures are significantly higher than ambient outdoor air, particularly in 'pull' trains and highway tunnels. The study concludes that diesel particulate filters (DPFs) are highly effective at eliminating the soot plume behind vehicles, significantly improving air quality for following commuters and pedestrians.

The document analyzes the outcomes of COP15 for REDD-plus, highlighting the Copenhagen Accord's role as a political mandate for further action. It details the three-phase implementation approach proposed by the AWG-LCA and examines critical challenges including the definition of 'forest', the integration of REDD into Nationally Appropriate Mitigation Actions (NAMA), and the development of Monitoring, Reporting, and Verification (MRV) systems based on IPCC guidelines. The report also discusses the necessity of social and environmental safeguards for indigenous peoples and local communities, the role of the Green Climate Fund, and the potential for both grant-based and market-based financing mechanisms.

The author contends that nuclear power is economically unviable and inherently linked to proliferation, suggesting that a shift toward 'micropower' and energy efficiency provides a superior, profitable path to energy security and climate mitigation.

The document analyzes a draft text for international climate cooperation, emphasizing the need for domestic emission targets in Annex 1 countries to avoid loopholes and provide investment certainty. It argues that non-Annex I countries must develop low-emission plans and Nationally Appropriate Mitigation Actions (NAMAs), supported by developed countries' resources and carbon pricing on aviation and shipping. Finally, it calls for a political transition from the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) to tailored NAMA support to prevent carbon-intensive lock-in and incentivize domestic regulation.

A global coalition of civil society organizations, including Friends of the Earth International, issued a statement on December 7, 2009, condemning the Danish government's conduct as President of the UNFCCC Conference of Parties. The groups argue that the Danish Prime Minister undermined democratic UN processes by convening exclusive groups of countries and drafting "Copenhagen Accords" before the meeting began, effectively excluding most nations and ignoring the demands of developing countries. The statement asserts that these actions shift the burden of climate change from developed to developing nations and threaten the potential for a fair and effective agreement in Copenhagen.

Friends of the Earth criticizes the Obama administration for stifling global cooperation by encouraging wealthy nations to adopt voluntary rather than mandatory emission commitments ahead of the Copenhagen climate negotiations.

The report examines the technical, financial, and institutional challenges of implementing REDD, focusing on the definitions of 'forest', funding mechanisms, and measurement, reporting, and verification (MRV) systems.

Friends of the Earth criticizes the United States for obstructing international climate negotiations in Bangkok by suggesting that pollution reduction targets be made voluntary and the Kyoto Protocol be dismantled. The statement argues that wealthy countries, as the largest historical polluters, must lead emission reductions and support developing nations to prevent catastrophic climate destabilization.

The opening remarks emphasize the urgent need for African countries to integrate trade considerations into their climate adaptation and economic development strategies. The speaker warns that a failure to reach an agreement at the Copenhagen UN Climate Change Conference could trigger a wave of climate-related protectionist barriers, undermining the international trade regime during an existing global economic crisis.