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The report evaluates the integration of gender considerations in National Adaptation Plans (NAPs) globally, noting an increase in the use of gender-responsive language, gender analysis, and the inclusion of gender ministries in institutional frameworks. It highlights specific progress in capacity building and monitoring and evaluation (M&E), while providing case studies from countries like the Central African Republic, Chad, Ghana, Kenya, Côte d'Ivoire, Dominican Republic, Marshall Islands, and Suriname to illustrate best practices in gender-responsive climate adaptation.

This report section analyzes the increasing vulnerability of the urban poor to extreme heat across 54 high-impact countries in 2022, highlighting a rise in the population at high risk due to lack of access to cooling.

The document examines the 'militarisation of politics' in Africa, using the conflict in Ethiopia between the federal government and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) as a primary example. It defines militarisation as the tendency to settle political disputes militarily and notes that this trend is often a legacy of colonial rule. The author highlights a history of military coups and civil wars across the continent, noting that by 2017, Africa had experienced 200 successful and failed coups. While the African Union (AU) has frameworks like the Lomé Declaration and the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance to prevent unconstitutional changes of government, the document argues that inconsistent implementation—such as the AU's failure to suspend Chad after the seizure of power by the Transnational Military Council—undermines these efforts. Additionally, the text notes a 17% increase in African military spending over the last decade, totaling $41.2 billion in 2019. In the Horn of Africa, the conflict involving Ethiopia, Eritrea, and Sudan risks regional destabilisation and the undoing of previous peace agreements.

The policy brief examines the severe fiscal constraints facing African countries during COVID-19 recovery, noting that while advanced economies mobilised about 6% of GDP, African countries mobilised barely 1%. It highlights the inadequacy of current debt relief mechanisms like the DSSI and the Common Framework, and the high cost of borrowing from international capital markets due to unfair credit ratings. The author proposes five policy priorities: establishing national donor coordination frameworks, reallocating public investment to de-risk private projects, extending the DSSI for two years with partial debt cancellation, creating a transparent multilateral framework for debt resolution involving commercial creditors, and exploring the establishment of independent, publicly owned credit rating agencies.

The document examines the G20/OECD Inclusive Framework's 'Two-Pillar Solution' to tax challenges from the digitalisation of the economy, highlighting how current global tax fragmentation allows multinational corporations to avoid taxes. It argues that African and least-developed countries suffer disproportionate revenue losses as a share of GDP and are underrepresented in negotiations. The brief criticizes the agreement for a high turnover threshold that limits the number of taxable companies and for a minimum corporate tax rate of 15% that some African nations find too low. It recommends increasing African participation, moving negotiations to a neutral UN forum, and providing technical and financial support to ensure equitable implementation.

The COVID-19 pandemic increased food insecurity across Africa, with upper-middle income countries like South Africa experiencing higher vulnerability due to their reliance on formal employment and global supply chains. While agricultural production grew in 2020, protectionist measures such as export bans in Malawi hindered the redistribution of food. The document highlights the African Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA) as a critical mechanism to reduce dependence on global imports, lower trade barriers, and improve food resilience through increased intra-continental trade and the legalisation of informal cross-border trade.

The document examines the G20/OECD Inclusive Framework's Two-Pillar Solution to tax challenges from the digitalisation of the economy. It highlights that developing countries, particularly in Africa, suffer disproportionate revenue losses from tax avoidance—up to 5%–8% of GDP in some cases—compared to developed nations. The author argues that the current framework lacks adequate representation of African nations (only 23 of 55 AU members participated) and contains provisions, such as a 15% minimum corporate tax rate and high turnover thresholds for profit reallocation, that may marginalise poorer economies. The brief recommends shifting negotiations to a neutral body like the UN and increasing technical and financial support for developing countries to implement new standards.

The author identifies several key environmental priorities for the WTO's MC12, including a deal on fishery subsidies and the launch of member-led initiatives like the Trade and Environmental Sustainability Structured Discussions (TESSD). The text emphasizes the need for inclusive cooperation that supports developing countries through financing and technical assistance to ensure a global green economy that does not leave the poorest behind.

The report examines the challenges in operationalizing the AU Peace Fund, specifically disagreements over contribution scales among member states. It warns against the increasing use of private military and security companies (PMSCs) like the Wagner Group in Africa, citing human rights risks. Additionally, it advocates for a revamp of the AU's PCRD approach to better address post-authoritarian transitions and the role of women in peacebuilding, using The Gambia as a model for small, expert-led deployments.

The document investigates whether Russia exerts significant influence over African states in the UN Security Council (UNSC) by analyzing voting patterns between 2014 and 2020. It argues that Russia's influence over the A3 is often exaggerated, as statistical evidence shows that African member states remain more aligned with the P3 (US, UK, and France) and are largely independent of Russian vetoes and abstentions. While the A3 have increasingly sought to present unified positions on African peace and security issues, their voting behavior on non-African files shows a declining coincidence with Russian positions over time.

The document investigates whether Russia exerts significant influence over African states in the UN Security Council (UNSC) by analyzing voting patterns between 2014 and 2020. It argues that Russia's influence over the A3 is often exaggerated, as statistical evidence shows little coordination and a trend of increasing divergence. While the A3 are increasingly presenting unified positions on African issues, their voting behavior remains more aligned with the P3 (US, UK, and France) than with Russia. The brief concludes that Russia's role as a 'loud dissenter' has not translated into a strategic alliance with the African grouping.

As of May 24, 2022, 43 companies have committed USD 458 million across 48 countries to support the Zero Hunger Private Sector Pledge. The largest individual commitments come from Bayer (USD 160 million) and PepsiCo (USD 100 million), with significant regional focus on Africa, Asia, and Latin America.

AgDevCo utilizes concessional capital and technical assistance to develop commercially viable agri-businesses in Sub-Saharan Africa, exemplified by the establishment of Zambia's first commercial seed potato producer, Saise Farming Enterprises Ltd. The organization leverages a mix of private and DFI funding to de-risk investments and build climate-resilient agricultural value chains.

The African Risk Capacity (ARC) operates as a mutual insurance company and agency to help African Union members manage climate shocks through weather-index insurance. Since 2014, ARC Ltd has provided USD 720 million in coverage and paid USD 65 million in claims, primarily targeting the agriculture sector. Participation requires the use of Africa RiskView (ARV) software to define payout thresholds based on rainfall deviation. The program's viability depends on robust subnational climate data, government technical expertise in sovereign insurance, and high-level political awareness.

The Desert to Power G5 Sahel Facility is a large-scale program requesting US$ 150 million from the Green Climate Fund (GCF) to leverage a total of US$ 966.7 million in financing. The initiative aims to add 500 MW of solar generation capacity and 239 MWh of utility-scale storage across five G5 Sahel countries to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 14.4 million tCO2equ over its lifetime. The program is structured into three components: grid investments to de-risk solar Independent Power Producers (IPPs), incremental finance for solar power generation, and technical assistance to improve the regulatory and institutional environment. The African Development Bank (AfDB) serves as the Accredited Entity, coordinating with national governments and private sector stakeholders to address technical, financial, and legal barriers to renewable energy adoption.

The document analyzes coal finance in 18 high-impact countries (HICs) with significant electricity access gaps. It finds that while global coal investment is declining, finance persists in HICs, largely driven by Chinese state-owned institutions and a few South Asian nations. The report argues that coal is misaligned with Sustainable Development Goal 7 (SDG7) due to long development timelines and high infrastructure costs, contrasting this with the efficiency of distributed renewable energy. It highlights the risk of stranded assets in Bangladesh and Pakistan and the operational hurdles facing coal in Africa, concluding that a shift toward renewables and finance-based carbon accounting is necessary to achieve net-zero goals.

The P-REC Aggregation Fund monetizes Peace Renewable Energy Credits (P-RECs)—a high-quality type of International Renewable Energy Certificate (I-REC) with peacebuilding co-benefits—to provide upfront capital to renewable energy developers in fragile states. By aggregating these certificates and selling them to impact-seeking corporations (such as RE100 members), the Fund aims to provide developers with approximately 10% of construction costs, thereby unlocking further infrastructure finance. The report models a 13-year proof-of-concept phase with a USD 10.25 million fund size, projecting the generation of 812,116 P-RECs and the avoidance of approximately 658,000 tCO2e of emissions.

The document analyzes coal finance in 18 high-impact countries (HICs) in South Asia and Africa, highlighting that while global trends shift toward renewables, significant coal investment persists, largely driven by Chinese state-owned institutions. It argues that coal is an inefficient path to universal electricity access compared to distributed renewables and warns of stranded asset risks, citing overcapacity in Bangladesh and Pakistan.

The paper examines how the APRM's Expanded Mandate has revitalized the agency by introducing targeted reviews and monitoring roles for Agenda 2063 and the SDGs, while cautioning that these additions may distract from its core mission of comprehensive country reviews. It highlights the role of the 'Kagame Reforms' and the leadership of CEO Prof. Eddy Maloka in restoring institutional stability and financial predictability. The author argues that the APRM must now consolidate these gains, rationalizing its activities to ensure that new instruments, such as National Governance Reports, do not become weak substitutes for rigorous peer reviews.

The report highlights the critical role of youth-led organisations, particularly the YoNeLCR, in fostering resilience and peacebuilding in communities affected by the Boko Haram insurgency in Cameroon, Chad, Niger, and Nigeria. It finds that the COVID-19 pandemic significantly hindered these efforts by limiting face-to-face community interaction and reducing donor funding, with some programme implementation dropping to less than 20% of usual levels. The document argues against the narrative of youth as merely victims or perpetrators, showcasing their roles as peace messengers, ICT innovators, and CSO leaders. It recommends that the Lake Chad Basin Commission (LCBC) and African Union (AU) create formal plans to integrate youth-led organisations into regional stabilisation strategies.