Search Climate Insights Directory

The report examines the conflict between WTO farm subsidy rules and public stockholding programs used by developing countries for food security. It analyzes the impact of outdated reference prices and proposes five potential paths toward a permanent solution, concluding that a modified version of the 2013 Bali Decision is the most viable approach.

The report examines how the 'Fourth Industrial Revolution'—including AI, automation, and IoT—is transforming large-scale mining. While these technologies improve safety and efficiency, they risk displacing low- and semi-skilled workers and reducing local procurement. The authors propose a 'New Deal' comprising updated education and skills training, innovative social impact investing, revised taxation, and the use of technology itself to benefit local communities and artisanal mining.

Juliane Schmidt advocates for the EU to transition from basic gender mainstreaming to a 'green feminist foreign policy' that employs an intersectional approach to address the gendered impacts of climate change, conflict, and natural disasters. The author critiques the European External Action Service (EEAS) for its male-dominated leadership and the Gender Action Plan III (GAP III) for lacking inclusive language and gender-responsive budgeting. The text suggests that the EU should follow the lead of pioneer countries like Sweden by implementing mandatory staff training, binding gender chapters in trade agreements, and systemic changes to institutional culture to ensure that women and marginalised groups are agents of change rather than mere beneficiaries.

The document traces the history of hazardous waste regulation from the 1972 Stockholm Conference to the 2019 entry into force of the Basel Convention's Ban Amendment. It highlights the risks of 'toxic colonialism,' where developed nations export hazardous materials to vulnerable regions. A significant focus is placed on the rapid growth of e-waste and the complexities of defining 'waste' versus 'recyclable products.' The author argues for a more proactive, equity-based approach to waste management to address emerging streams from the energy transition, such as lithium and cobalt.

The document argues that climate change adaptation policies in Canada often ignore that risks are socially created and inequitably distributed. It uses case studies from Nova Scotia to demonstrate how structural determinants—such as poverty, systemic racism, and lack of education—combine with environmental racism to make racialized communities more sensitive to and more exposed to climate hazards. The author highlights specific instances of environmental racism, including toxic waste sites and industrial pollution in Mi’kmaw and African Nova Scotian communities, and calls for race-based data collection and health equity impact assessments to build climate resilience.

The document argues that climate change adaptation policies in Canada often ignore how structural inequalities and environmental racism increase the vulnerability of marginalized groups. Using case studies from Nova Scotia, it demonstrates how historical racism and systemic failures in education, employment, and justice create health disparities that make Mi’kmaw and African Nova Scotian communities more susceptible to climate-related hazards. It details specific instances of environmental racism, such as the pollution of Boat Harbour and the forced relocation of Africville, and calls for health equity through disaggregated data, increased representation, and environmental justice legislation.

The document examines how rising temperatures and worsening air quality in Japan threaten the health and performance of Olympic and Paralympic athletes, specifically highlighting the risk of exertional heat stroke and the impact of ground-level ozone. It provides data on Tokyo's warming trend since 1964 and lists specific sports at high risk, such as the marathon and triathlon. Mitigation efforts include relocating the marathon to Sapporo, implementing the 'Tokyo 2020 Cooling Project', and athlete acclimatization.

The document identifies the resilience of Canadian right-wing extremism online, noting that while social media enforcement removes some accounts, new ones frequently emerge. It highlights the significant influence of US politics and the COVID-19 pandemic on extremist activity, with the latter accounting for 38.8% of categorised messages. The analysis also details the role of these groups in spreading disinformation and the presence of violent mobilisation on fringe platforms like Telegram and incel forums.

The document argues that carbon capture and storage (CCS) is not a viable climate solution and urges the Canadian government to reject its funding and integration into national energy strategies.

The document asserts that carbon capture and storage (CCS) is a "dangerous distraction" that prolongs fossil fuel reliance and poses severe risks to marginalized communities. It argues that CCS is economically unsound, fails to meaningfully reduce emissions, and is often used for enhanced oil recovery (EOR) to increase oil production. The authors call for the removal of government subsidies, such as the U.S. 45Q tax credit, and a shift toward sustainable infrastructure and renewable energy.

The 47th G7 summit reaffirmed commitments to a "green revolution" and the goal of halving collective carbon emissions by 2030, while pledging to end new direct government support for international carbon-intensive fossil fuel energy. However, the document highlights a disconnect between these goals and African realities, where fossil fuels account for approximately 80% of energy supply and many states are planning coal-fired power expansions. While the G7 welcomed the commitment of up to $2 billion via Climate Investment Funds, the document notes this is insufficient compared to the $20-30 billion per year the African Development Bank estimates Africa requires for climate action until 2030. Furthermore, the $100 billion promised by developed countries since COP15 remains unrealised.

The document argues that Canada needs to design a border carbon adjustment (BCA) mechanism to prevent emissions from being transferred to unregulated foreign competitors as its carbon price is legislated to rise to CAD 170/tonne by 2030. It notes that while the EU will implement a BCA (CBAM) by 2023, and the US and UK intend to do the same, such systems are complex, politically sensitive, and potentially conflict with trade rules. The report provides recommendations on eight design elements for a Canadian BCA and examines how Canada should respond to the schemes of its major trading partners.

The author asserts that the failure of developed nations to meet the 2010 commitment to mobilise $100bn per year by 2020 for climate action in developing countries erodes international trust and hinders the transition to a net-zero world. Fulfilling this commitment is presented as a catalyst to trigger large-scale private investment in low-carbon solutions and climate-resilient industries, particularly within supply chains where 65-90 per cent of company emissions originate. The text emphasizes that only 21 per cent of these funds currently support adaptation, and argues that increasing this share would protect global economic stability by building resilience in developing nations. The author calls for G20 leadership to combine this funding with mandatory climate risk disclosure and carbon pricing to support the goal of halving global emissions by 2030.

The Canadian Climate Institute highlights the importance of Bill C-12, which legally enshrines Canada's net-zero goal for 2050 and establishes accountability structures. The author emphasizes that the federal government must now develop a detailed emissions reduction plan for 2030, including a 2026 interim target, focusing on energy efficiency and clean electricity. The document calls for collaboration between federal, provincial, and Indigenous governments, as well as the private sector, to ensure the 2030 targets are met.

The adoption of Bill C-12 legislates Canada's net-zero target and establishes a framework for accountability and governance. The federal government is now required to develop an emissions reduction plan for the 2030 target, including an interim objective for 2026, focusing on 'safe bet' solutions like energy efficiency and electrification.

A rapid analysis of the June 2021 Pacific Northwest heatwave concludes that the event was virtually impossible without human-caused climate change. The study estimates the event as a 1-in-1000-year occurrence in the current climate, noting it was approximately 2°C hotter than it would have been before the industrial revolution. Projections indicate that with 2°C of global warming, such events could occur every 5 to 10 years.

Canadian governments provided over CAD 23 billion in support to oil and gas pipelines between 2018 and 2021, with CAD 10 billion allocated after the start of the COVID-19 pandemic. This support, which includes loans and loan guarantees, is argued to undermine Canada's net-zero goals and international commitments to phase out inefficient fossil fuel subsidies.

The report uses the GSI-IF model to analyze 32 countries, representing 77% of global CO2 emissions, to determine the impact of removing fossil fuel subsidies and implementing a 10% fossil energy tax by 2030. It finds that subsidy reform alone could save nearly USD 3 trillion and abate 5.4 GtCO2e, while combining reform with taxation and sustainable energy investment could increase average emission reductions from 6% to 11.8% by 2030.

The document compares natural gas-based hydrogen production methods, finding that ATR with carbon capture and storage (CCS) can achieve significantly higher carbon reduction rates (96-98%) than standard SMR (50-65%), though it requires more power for oxygen production. It estimates the cost of ATR-produced hydrogen at approximately $1.38/kg based on a US Gulf Coast scenario.

The report argues that the 2019 IRP's goal of adding 1500 MW of new coal generation is technically and environmentally problematic. It concludes that 'clean coal' is a myth, as even high-efficiency, low-emission (HELE) technologies cannot eliminate significant air pollution and greenhouse gas emissions. The author finds that advanced ultra-supercritical plants and carbon capture technologies are currently unproven or cost-prohibitive at scale, making them unlikely to be implemented. Furthermore, the report asserts that the 2023 timeline for the first 750 MW is unrealistic and that new plants would inevitably cause harm to human and environmental health through emissions of toxic organic compounds, trace metals, and acid gases, as well as impacts from the broader coal supply chain.