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The document analyzes the rise of investor-state arbitration under Bilateral Investment Treaties (BITs), noting a significant increase in cases compared to NAFTA's Chapter 11. Using ICSID data, it highlights pending cases that challenge government emergency measures in Argentina, tax policies in Burundi, and environmental regulations in Mexico and Peru. It also examines disputes over water privatization in Bolivia and Argentina, and the risks of using opaque, ad-hoc arbitration rules (like UNCITRAL) which can lead to conflicting rulings and a lack of public transparency, potentially undermining the legitimacy of the process and hindering the ability of developing nations to manage foreign investment.

As of April 2003, Burundi faced a severe humanitarian crisis characterized by massive internal displacement, food insecurity due to drought, and a fragmented political transition. An estimated 300,000 people had died since 1993, and over 500,000 were internally displaced. The document highlights that international aid remains limited because donors are withholding support until a comprehensive ceasefire and the Arusha agreement reforms are implemented. High population density and land scarcity further complicate the potential return of over 840,000 refugees, primarily located in Tanzania. The report concludes that humanitarian conditions will not improve until the government ends impunity and protects civilians, and until political elites prioritize peace over power struggles.

The document examines the tension between the protections granted to foreign investors under Bilateral Investment Treaties (BITs) and the human rights obligations of host states. It highlights a surge in investor-state disputes, particularly in the water and sewage sectors in Latin America, where the 'right to water' may serve as a legal defense for state regulation. The paper argues that current BITs are largely silent on human rights and lack transparency, which may lead to 'regulatory chill' or the prioritization of investor rights over public interest. It suggests reforms, including the inclusion of minimum human rights responsibilities for investors and the potential use of human rights courts to resolve investment disputes.

The report warns of a dramatic worsening of the situation in Burundi, characterized by the suspension of negotiations by the FDD, the non-implementation of cease-fires, and a growing movement to remove the existing political system. It highlights a critical disconnect between the rigid Arusha Process timetable and the reality of ongoing violence and political fragmentation, suggesting that the scheduled transition of the presidency on May 1, 2003, could lead to chaos or government paralysis.

The document analyzes South Africa's diplomatic approach toward Swaziland and Zimbabwe, arguing that Pretoria employs 'persuasive diplomacy' and limited engagement due to a complex balance of regional economic stability, national interests, and the principle of national sovereignty. While Zimbabwe's economic collapse poses a significant threat to the Southern African Development Community (SADC), Swaziland's smaller economic footprint results in less regional urgency despite similar human rights abuses. The author notes that South Africa's reluctance to take forceful action against Robert Mugabe is driven by fears of regional isolation, the potential for increased refugee flows, and Mugabe's status as an anti-colonial icon.

Following the death of Jonas Savimbi on 22 February 2002, the Angolan government initiated a 15 Point Plan to end the 28-year civil war, including a unilateral truce and a proposed blanket amnesty for UNITA fighters. While pre-negotiations between the Angolan Armed Forces (FAA) and UNITA forces (FALA) began in March 2002, the process is complicated by deep divisions within UNITA. The movement is split between the military faction (UNITA-Savimbista), parliamentarians in Luanda, an external mission led by Isaias Samakuva in Paris, and the government-recognized UNITA-Renovada under Eugenio Manuvakola. The document notes that the lack of a clear, unified leadership within UNITA and the potential for the government to delay peacetime administrative reforms may hinder a swift transition to peace.

As of mid-2001, Africa hosted approximately 5 million refugees and 21 million internally displaced persons (IDPs). The report highlights that IDPs now outnumber refugees globally and that in Africa, 80% of refugees are hosted by least developed countries. Significant displacement is driven by conflict and drought, particularly in Sudan, Angola, and the DRC. Children under 18 make up 56% of all refugees in Africa, exceeding 60% in countries such as Angola, Togo, Guinea, Burundi, Rwanda, Sudan, and the DRC.

In an address to the Kosovo, Africa and Humanitarian Intervention Conference, President Nelson Mandela highlights a "disparity of treatment" in how the international community responds to crises in different regions. He contrasts the readiness of the international community to intervene and commit resources to Kosovo with the failure to act during the genocide in Rwanda and the lack of promised support for peacekeeping in Sierra Leone. Mandela emphasizes that the lessons from the Independent International Commission on Kosovo should help advance dialogue on conflict resolution and calls for the global village to share concern for human suffering regardless of geography. He concludes by citing the Burundi peace process as a positive example of renewed international interest in African stability and reconstruction.

The document examines the transition of African security from Cold War paradigms to a new era of 'human security' and regional peace support. It argues that traditional UN peacekeeping is often insufficient for African conflicts, which frequently require 'peace enforcement' and a more robust, integrated military doctrine. The text highlights the role of regional bodies like the OAU, ECOWAS, and SADC, while critiquing the 'ECOMOG model' for its reliance on regional hegemons like Nigeria and the use of private military companies. It also explores the phenomenon of 'warlordism,' where leaders exploit global markets and natural resources to sustain predatory armed factions in failing states. Finally, it advocates for security sector reform (SSR) that is 'indigenised' to African contexts rather than merely applying Eurocentric models.

The document examines South Africa's evolving foreign policy as it navigates its role as a regional hegemon and an aspiring global middle power. It highlights the tension between South Africa's democratic values and the reality of state collapse across Africa, while discussing the 'African Renaissance' as a framework for leadership without dominance. The paper also analyzes the strategic importance of the African market to South Africa and the development of a formal policy for participation in international peace missions.

The document examines the motivations and activities of US government agencies and private organisations in promoting stability in Africa. It argues that while the US has a profound humanitarian impulse and a stated interest in regional stability, its policy is primarily reactive and lacks a coherent, long-term strategy. The report details the roles of the Department of State, Department of Defense, and USAID, alongside the influence of the US Congress and various NGOs. Key initiatives of the Clinton era are analysed, including the African Crisis Response Initiative (ACRI) and the African Growth and Opportunity Act, while providing strategic advice to African leaders on how to effectively engage with the fragmented US policy apparatus.

The document analyzes the 1997 South African Regulation of Foreign Military Assistance Bill, which aims to prevent citizens and companies from providing unauthorized military services abroad. The authors argue that the Bill's vague definitions of 'armed conflict' and 'foreign military assistance' could encompass non-combatant activities such as humanitarian aid, election monitoring, and academic research. They highlight concerns regarding the extensive discretionary power granted to the Minister of Defence and the lack of transparency in the authorization process. The paper proposes specific amendments to narrow the scope of the legislation, streamline the approval process, and protect bona fide NGOs and academic institutions from excessive penalties.

The monograph examines the geopolitical drivers of conflict in Africa, the operational structures of the UN and OAU, and the critical necessity of linking military peacekeeping with long-term peacebuilding and development. It highlights the OAU's Mechanism for Conflict Prevention, Management and Resolution and analyzes specific missions in Mozambique, Angola, Rwanda, and Somalia to identify failures in logistics, intelligence, and coordination. The text argues that sustainable peace requires addressing root causes like poverty and poor governance through integrated strategies that involve local communities and a shift from 'winner-take-all' political cultures.

The Harare Declaration, adopted during the first African Conference on Debt and Development (AfCoDD) in August 2021, calls for a systemic overhaul of the global debt architecture to address the vulnerabilities of African nations. It highlights how the COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated poverty and debt burdens, potentially pushing 39 million Africans into extreme poverty. The document criticizes the current system for prioritizing creditor interests over social and environmental justice, noting a shift toward commercial bonds and a lack of transparency in debt contraction. To counter this, the declaration proposes the creation of an African Monitoring and Control Mechanism, a Monetary Fund, and an African Bank. It further advocates for a feminist approach to macroeconomics, a green recovery aligned with the AU's Agenda 2063, and the possibility of collective debt default to break the cycle of neoliberal dependency.

The document examines how African public debt is rooted in colonial constructs and enforced through contract law, often perpetuating economic dependency. It analyzes the legal architecture at national and international levels, the various debt instruments used, and the systemic failures in transparency and accountability that lead to debt crises. The paper advocates for constitutional reforms, independent debt management offices, and a multilateral sovereign debt restructuring mechanism to ensure sustainable development and protect human rights.

The paper examines the limitations of short-term economic rescue measures in East Africa following Covid-19, advocating for a shift toward 'fiscal democracy' and 'civil protection' to address systemic vulnerabilities. It highlights how high public debt, illicit financial flows (IFFs), and a lack of public participation in fiscal policy undermine economic sustainability. The author calls for human rights-based approaches to tax justice and a return to civic education to empower citizens to hold governments accountable for service delivery and resource management.

The document highlights that Burundi possesses significant superhot rock geothermal resources, with just 1% of its endowment capable of providing 36 GW of energy capacity. While unlikely to meet Burundi's 2030 emissions reduction goals, the technology offers a low-land-footprint, 24/7 renewable energy source that could reduce energy poverty and attract foreign investment.

The case study examines 'The Economics of Adaptation, Water Security and Climate Resilient Development in Africa' programme (2013-2015), which trained over 130 professionals across eight African nations. It highlights the effectiveness of combining professional workshops with mandatory Action Plans and mentor-mentee relationships to bridge the gap between training and implementation. Key outcomes included the integration of climate change into Tunisia's national planning terms of reference and the approval of a flood management project in Maputo, Mozambique.

The CDKN's Africa START research call provides £300,000 for 16 projects and £150,000 for management and a learning forum. The funded research addresses diverse climate risks across Africa, including forest degradation in Nigeria and Cameroon, water management in Benin and Ethiopia, and coastal lagoon sensitivity in North Africa, all aimed at enhancing food security and rural livelihoods.

The report presents ten propositions on the intersection of climate change and economic growth, emphasizing that while growth is essential for poverty reduction in developing nations, it must be decoupled from carbon emissions. It advocates for 'climate compatible development'—a framework that minimizes climate harm while maximizing human development opportunities. The author argues that low-carbon growth is feasible and can act as an industrial policy to create jobs and competitive advantages. The document highlights the need for national strategies that move from 'blueprint planning' to 'process planning,' the importance of leveraging private finance through 'investment-grade' policy frameworks, and the necessity of building political consensus to ensure long-term stability in climate policy.