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The briefing argues that the EU-Mercosur trade deal was concluded without a complete sustainability impact assessment (SIA), which the European Ombudsman identified as maladministration. It highlights concerns that the agreement could increase deforestation in Mercosur countries, particularly Brazil, and criticizes the European Commission's attempt to seek pre-ratification commitments rather than renegotiating the text. Furthermore, the document opposes any effort by the Commission to 'split' the trade and political components of the agreement to bypass the requirement for unanimity in the Council and ratification by the 27 EU Member State parliaments, asserting that such a move would violate the original 1999 mandate and principles of sincere cooperation.

The report analyzes how changes to Brazil's environmental legal framework, specifically the introduction of a mandatory conciliation phase and the replacement of technical staff with military personnel, have weakened the effectiveness of IBAMA's enforcement. It argues that these shifts, combined with the suspension of the PPCDAm and the implementation of military-led operations, have contributed to increased deforestation and illegal fires in the Amazon while reducing the number of environmental infractions processed.

The analysis reveals that environmental studies for federal land infrastructure in the Legal Amazon prioritize socio-economic and physical factors over the biotic environment. It finds a lack of coordination between EVTEAs and EIAs, with only 30% of EIA components appearing in EVTEAs, and notes that studies frequently fail to comply with their own terms of reference (TRs) or sectoral manuals. The brief recommends incorporating international guidelines into TRs and making EVTEAs mandatory before EIAs to improve project viability and environmental protection.

The policy brief evaluates the quality and consistency of socio-environmental analyses in federal railway and highway concessions in the Legal Amazon. It finds that these studies often prioritize socio-economic and physical factors over biotic ones, fail to align with international guidelines or sectoral manuals, and frequently do not fully comply with their own terms of reference (TRs). The authors recommend incorporating international guidelines into TRs, making sectoral manuals binding, and establishing transparent approval processes to ensure full compliance.

The document analyzes 14 large-scale railroad and highway projects in the Legal Amazon, finding significant gaps in the viability phase. Key issues include the lack of a mandatory sequence between Technical, Economic and Environmental Viability Studies (EVTEA) and Environmental Impact Studies (EIA), and a severe lack of transparency, with 57% of essential documents unavailable. The authors recommend mandating that EVTEA precede EIA to identify risks earlier and establishing a centralized database for all concession documents.

The policy brief examines 14 federal railway and highway concession projects in the Legal Amazon, finding significant procedural uncertainty and a lack of transparency. It highlights the absence of a mandatory sequence between Technical, Economic, and Environmental Viability Studies (EVTEA) and Environmental Impact Studies (EIA), which delays the identification of socio-environmental risks. Additionally, 57% of key documents for these projects were unavailable, hindering monitoring and investor risk assessment. The authors recommend mandating that EVTEAs precede EIAs and centralizing project data in a transparent database.

The report examines the transition of Ibama's environmental sanctioning process toward a model centered on environmental conciliation. It argues that while conciliation could theoretically speed up processes, its implementation under the current administration has been deficient due to regulatory delays, a lack of technical qualification in key appointments, and a dangerous centralization of power. These failures, combined with the replacement of career staff with political appointees, are found to weaken the deterrent effect of environmental fines and contribute to increased deforestation in the Amazon.

The report estimates that an average of USD 384 billion was invested annually in urban climate finance during 2017-2018, a figure significantly lower than the estimated annual need of USD 4.5 to 5.4 trillion for low-emission and resilient urban infrastructure. Mitigation efforts, particularly in sustainable transport and green buildings, dominate the landscape, while adaptation finance remains severely underfunded, representing only 9% of tracked project-level data. The analysis highlights a geographic imbalance, with the majority of finance flowing to China and developed economies, while regions like Sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia remain critically underfunded. Key barriers to scaling this finance include low creditworthiness of city governments, a lack of bankable projects, and institutional restrictions on local borrowing.

The report establishes a conceptual framework for urban climate finance, emphasizing that mobilization depends on the alignment of country-specific, city-specific, and climate-specific enabling conditions. It details the five roles city governments play—consumer, provider, fundraiser, regulator, and champion—and argues that a lack of administrative capacity, fragmented authority, and limited revenue sources in developing countries create significant barriers. The document recommends integrating climate considerations into all levels of city planning (strategic, spatial, capital investment, and budgetary) and suggests using carbon pricing, land-value capture, and conditional intergovernmental transfers to close the urban financing gap.

The World Climate and Security Report 2021 assesses how climate change acts as a threat multiplier for global security, emphasizing the urgent need to move from strategic planning to concrete implementation. It introduces a new Climate Security Risk Matrix to evaluate comparative risks among countries and presents a risk perception survey where experts predict severe-to-catastrophic risks by 2031. The report details regional vulnerabilities, specifically in sub-Saharan Africa and the European Union, and analyzes the role of militaries as first responders and contributors to emissions. It concludes with recommendations for updating international law regarding the law of the sea and geoengineering governance, and calls for deeper integration of climate security into UN and EU institutional frameworks.

The report characterizes "net zero" agendas as a "Great Cheat," asserting that they allow major polluters to continue emissions while relying on unproven technologies and flawed offsetting schemes. It details how these entities use lobbying, financial influence over academia, and corporate capture of international forums like the UNFCCC to displace real emission reductions. The document highlights specific failures in the plans of companies such as Shell, Total SA, and JBS, and calls for a transition to "Real Zero" by 2030 through systemic change and climate justice.

The document analyzes how 'Big Polluters' across various sectors use 'net zero' targets as a form of greenwashing to delay real emission reductions. It identifies critical conceptual flaws in these plans, such as reliance on unproven geoengineering and carbon offsets, and details how these corporations influence political and academic institutions to validate their agendas. Case studies on companies like Shell, Total SA, and JBS illustrate the gap between public commitments and actual business operations, while the report calls for a transition to 'Real Zero' by 2030.

The report claims that "net zero" agendas are a form of greenwashing used by "Big Polluters" to avoid reducing emissions. It identifies these entities as industries responsible for the majority of historical emissions, including fossil fuels, agribusiness, and aviation. The document details how these actors use risky technologies like BECCS and carbon offsets as "dangerous distractions" and employ lobbying, financial contributions, and academic partnerships to shape climate policy in their favor. Case studies on JBS, Shell, and Total SA are used to illustrate how these plans often mask continued pollution and lead to land grabbing in the Global South.

The report contends that "net zero" pledges from "Big Polluters"—including fossil fuel, agribusiness, and tech giants—are deceptive strategies to avoid responsibility for climate change. It identifies "dangerous distractions" such as carbon capture and storage (CCS), bioenergy with carbon capture and storage (BECCS), and carbon offsets, arguing these schemes often lead to human rights abuses and "carbon colonialism." The document details how these corporations influence policy through lobbying, financial contributions to politicians, and the funding of academic research at institutions like Stanford and MIT to validate "net zero" narratives. Case studies of Shell, Total SA, and JBS are used to illustrate how these plans often mask continued production of high-emissions products.

The report highlights a significant downturn in the LNG sector, characterized by widespread final investment decision (FID) delays, cost overruns, and a shift in perception of LNG from a climate solution to a climate problem. While import capacity continues to expand rapidly, particularly in Asia and Brazil, export projects—especially in North America—are struggling with financing and competition from lower-cost producers in Qatar and Russia.

The STeP Fellowship Program, managed by the IAI, focuses on bridging the gap between science and policy in Latin America and the Caribbean. Between July 2020 and June 2021, the program conducted 20 virtual training sessions and established a joint inter-American group of 20 fellows with Mitacs Canada and AAAS. Current cohorts focus on sustainable agriculture in Argentina and sustainable cities in Mexico, with plans to expand into biodiversity and disaster risk mitigation. The program also seeks strategic partnerships, including negotiations with Chile's National Congress and the US Embassy in Peru.

The document contends that Africa's historical 'jobless growth' is due to a dependence on primary commodities and a lack of structural transformation. It proposes a shift from 'stabilization' to 'transformation' by coordinating fiscal and monetary policies with sectoral and labour market interventions. Key recommendations include increasing public investment in the care economy and infrastructure, implementing expenditure-switching methods to reduce import reliance, adopting progressive taxation, and establishing national minimum wages to boost domestic demand and productivity.

The New Bidding Law (Lei nº 14.133) passed in April 2021 introduces detailed requirements for preliminary technical studies in Brazilian infrastructure projects. CPI/PUC-Rio argues that this creates an opportunity to introduce a formal pre-feasibility analysis phase to prevent low-quality or infeasible projects from proceeding. While the law improves transparency via a single official website and expands the oversight role of legal advisory bodies and courts of accounts, it is criticized for reducing mandatory social participation. The authors recommend that future regulatory decrees mandate the publication of key preparatory documents and formally integrate pre-feasibility assessments to better align technical studies with environmental licensing.

The document argues that transport is a critical driver of development but a major source of emissions, accounting for 23% of energy-related CO2. It defines sustainable transport as safe, affordable, and efficient mobility that minimizes environmental impacts. The report details the evolution of international policy from the 1972 Stockholm Conference to the Sustainable Development Goals, and provides examples of successful interventions, such as Jakarta's BRT system and various cities' shifts toward active mobility (cycling and walking). It specifically notes the COVID-19 pandemic as a catalyst for structural changes in urban transit, though it warns that 30 major economies continue to provide significant subsidies to fossil fuels over clean energy.

The IAI report for the 2020-2021 fiscal year indicates that only 57% of approved contributions were received by April 30, 2021, with 8 countries delayed by more than three years. Total expenditures from July 2020 to February 2021 were $777,655, which was 16.7% lower than the budgeted $933,333, primarily due to COVID-19 restrictions on travel and physical meetings. The report also notes that contributions remaining at $5,000 since 1992 have lost approximately 89% of their purchasing power.