Search Climate Insights Directory

The report analyzes armed conflict trends using Uppsala Conflict Data Program (UCDP) statistics, noting a recent upsurge in both the number of conflicts and battle casualties in 2014. While long-term trends since the 1950s show a decline in warfare deaths and a shift from interstate to internal conflicts, 2014 saw 40 conflicts and over 100,000 deaths. The authors attribute the recent rise to nationalism and religious extremism, while predicting that long-term democratization and development will eventually lead to the waning of war.

The document analyzes the rise of the Vilayat-e Khorasan front of Daesh in Afghanistan and the resulting anxiety among neighboring states. It argues that regional governments are hindered by a 'mutual blame game,' treating Daesh as an external political entity rather than a social phenomenon with domestic drivers. The author identifies key drivers of radicalization, including poverty, unemployment, lack of education, and political grievances, particularly in Central Asia. The paper distinguishes between short-term counter-measures (military force, border controls, intelligence) and long-term preventive measures (education, inter-faith dialogue, and addressing socio-economic grievances). It concludes that a multilateral approach, supported by regional organizations like the SCO and CICA, is essential to combat this transnational threat.

The document argues that the Sendai Framework's emphasis on multi-level collaboration, learning, and innovation aligns with adaptive governance, which can help manage the complexity of social-ecological systems. While the Framework provides a window for transformative change, its implementation faces hurdles including high operational costs, power imbalances, and the lack of a dedicated funding mechanism.

The text examines the 'resource curse', where mineral wealth leads to corruption and conflict rather than prosperity. It highlights the role of 'conflict minerals' in funding insurgencies in regions like the Democratic Republic of Congo and Afghanistan. The author argues that while national governance is primary, industrialized nations must implement binding transparency regulations—such as the OECD guidelines—to prevent human rights abuses and ensure resource extraction supports sustainable development.

The paper argues that the legal distinction between migrant smuggling (facilitating illegal movement for profit) and human trafficking (exploitation) is increasingly blurred in practice, as smugglers often transition into traffickers. It contends that restrictive border controls do not stop migration but instead make smuggling the 'new normal,' increasing migrant vulnerability and profitability for criminal networks. The authors highlight that most irregular migrants successfully reach their destinations despite high risks, and that state efforts to 'demonize' smugglers often serve as political cover for the failure of the global asylum regime.

The author describes the historical and current refugee crises on Lesbos, highlighting a transition from a community of solidarity to one under extreme pressure due to state inaction. By May 2015, approximately 20,000 arrivals had overwhelmed local infrastructure, leading to the deterioration of the Moria detention center and the emergence of xenophobic narratives. The text calls for the government to declare a state of emergency, involve European authorities, and establish proper housing and transport infrastructure to protect the island's democratic and anti-racist character.

The report addresses the critical shortage of local climate data in fragile states, where conflict and weak governance often destroy meteorological infrastructure. It categorizes climate information into historical, current, and prospective data, and provides a directory of satellite-based alternatives and international forecasting centers. The document argues that integrating these data into different humanitarian planning horizons—from immediate relief to long-term strategic planning—is essential for sustainable peacebuilding. It concludes by outlining priorities for rebuilding national meteorological services, using examples from Haiti and Sierra Leone.

The document is a collection of articles examining 'Invisible Walls and Barriers' to communication. It analyzes the use of exclusionary narratives in Spanish populism, the ethical challenges of academic research in Brazilian favelas, the sustainability of community media in Mexico, and the severe political and religious restrictions on media in Afghanistan. It also discusses the impact of austerity on European press freedom, the boundaries of legitimate discourse in Israel, and the role of indigenous community media in Canada's reconciliation process. Finally, it reflects on the paradoxical nature of technological development driven by military interests.

The document defines a Green foreign policy as a holistic approach that prioritizes human rights, democracy, and environmental sustainability over narrow economic interests. It advocates for the reform of international organizations like the UN and the Bretton Woods Institutions to increase transparency and representation for the Global South. The framework emphasizes the strengthening of international law, specifically the International Criminal Court, and supports restrictive weapons export policies and UN-mandated military interventions. It also calls for a development agenda that links environmental sustainability with social inclusion and conflict prevention through the 'Responsibilities to Protect' (R2P) framework.

The document examines the challenges European Green parties face in reconciling non-violence with the need to protect human rights in conflict zones. It argues for a shift in EU foreign policy from reactive crisis management to a proactive, multilateral approach that prioritizes ecological justice, nuclear disarmament, and the empowerment of civil society. Specific analyses cover the conflicts in Ukraine, Syria, and the Maghreb, as well as the strategic importance of South East Asia.

The report argues that climate change acts as a "threat multiplier" in fragile states, exacerbating existing conflict drivers like poverty and weak governance. It proposes a framework for "climate-resilient peacebuilding" based on six principles, including integrated context analysis and a forward-looking approach to planning. The document identifies specific entry points for integration across five peacebuilding dimensions: basic safety and security, political processes, basic services, government functions, and economic revitalization. It also reviews existing international guidance, noting that while some tools integrate climate risks, many others lack this perspective, suggesting that practitioners should integrate climate resilience into existing resources rather than creating new toolkits.

The document serves as an appendix to a study on the relationship between majority religion and armed conflict. It provides detailed datasets on the majority religions of countries as of 2010, the incidence of intrastate armed conflict by religion between 1991 and 2012, and a comprehensive list of opposition groups in intrastate conflicts from 1946 to 2013. It specifically examines the prevalence of Islamist insurgents and the conflict history of the ten countries with the largest Muslim populations.

The paper analyzes the evolution of the 'Women, Peace and Security' (WPS) framework, centered on UN Security Council Resolution 1325. While the author notes rapid normative spread and broad political acceptance among member states and regional organizations, she highlights a significant failure to translate these norms into practice. This is evidenced by low female representation in UN peace operations and political missions, insufficient funding, and a lack of accountability at leadership levels. The author argues that while shifting global power dynamics and opposition from states like Russia and China pose risks, the continued pressure from transnational women's networks remains the primary driver for future progress.

The report examines return migration as a complex spectrum of agency and coercion, challenging the 'myth of return' and the binary of forced versus voluntary migration. It identifies ten key findings, highlighting that return intentions are shaped by competing attachments to multiple societies and that reintegration can be as challenging as initial integration due to social expectations, corruption, and security risks. The research emphasizes the critical role of short-term return visits in informing decisions and maintaining transnational ties, while noting that secure legal status in a destination country often paradoxically facilitates the possibility of return by providing a safety net.

The TDDR Initiative by the Stockholm Environment Institute seeks to transform the relationship between development and disaster risk reduction (DRR). It identifies three critical gaps in current approaches: a lack of understanding regarding vulnerability creation, a failure to apply knowledge at appropriate scales, and an over-fixation on risk reduction rather than the trade-offs in decision-making. The initiative intends to use a social-ecological systems framework to conduct context-specific research and support the implementation of the Sendai Framework.

The SEI Initiative on Transforming Development and Disaster Risk (TDDR) addresses the paradox where development often acts as a root cause of disaster risk rather than a means to reduce it. Using a social-ecological systems (SES) framework, the initiative focuses on three research areas: understanding the interaction between development and risk, exploring equitable social-ecological resilience, and investigating adaptive governance processes. The goal is to generate knowledge and a synthesis framework to transform development into a tool for risk reduction, while monitoring the implementation of the Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction.

A letter from a coalition of NGOs to Prime Minister David Cameron advocating for a comprehensive, transparent, and non-military-centric approach to the 2015 National Security Strategy (NSS) and Defence and Security Review (DSR). The authors argue that the UK should shift away from prioritizing force projection and instead address the root causes of insecurity, suggesting that resources be reallocated from military procurement, such as nuclear submarines and aircraft carriers, toward renewable energy and flood risk mitigation.

The document translates the global findings of the IPCC's Fifth Assessment Report into a regional context for South Asia, detailing observed warming, projected risks to food and water security, and the potential for low-carbon development. It emphasizes that while further warming is inevitable, integrated adaptation and mitigation can protect development gains and offer economic opportunities.

The document argues that the US-Afghan relationship failed because Washington prioritised its global agenda and military objectives over respect for Afghan sovereignty and the needs of the Afghan people. Key failures identified include the US refusal to marginalise warlords, a 'light footprint' approach that delayed the creation of a national army and police, and a donor system that bypassed the Afghan government. The author highlights civilian casualties as a primary trigger for tension, noting that US cultural insensitivity and a lack of accountability fueled perceptions of occupation. The transition to the Obama administration is described as a period of further deterioration due to a lack of personal engagement with President Karzai and perceived interference in Afghan internal politics. The paper concludes that future stability depends on a 'reset' based on mutual respect and a genuine commitment to Afghan ownership.

The document explores the 'humanitarian drone' as a 'war dividend' from military spending, arguing that the transfer of UAV hardware—including surveillance, cargo, and weaponized drones—also transfers military rationales such as 'surgical precision' and 'targeting logic' into the humanitarian sector. The authors warn that the push for humanitarian drones is driven by a commercial logic to gain legitimacy for the UAV industry and may lead to the dehumanization of suffering or a lowered threshold for the use of force through 'humanitarian combat drones.' While drones offer potential for improved aid delivery and crisis mapping, the paper emphasizes that technology is not neutral and cannot replace the empathy and ethical judgment essential to humanitarian work.