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The document examines the efforts of 'the rest of the world' to adapt to a chaotic trade environment characterized by US tariff adjustments and the weakening of global institutions. It highlights the launch of the Future of Investment and Trade Partnership (FIT-P), a 16-member group of small states aiming to bolster the WTO and collaborate on digital trade. It also analyzes the Comprehensive and Progressive Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP), noting its attempts to coordinate with the EU and ASEAN while struggling with internal institutional weaknesses, a slow accession process, and the daunting task of renegotiating most of its agreement chapters.

The policy brief argues that for the Caribbean Community (CARICOM), a Just Transition must be a multi-sectoral regional transformation strategy rather than a narrow focus on fossil fuel phase-out. It introduces a framework based on six guiding principles—social justice, effective governance, inclusive participation, economic resilience, alignment with climate goals, and green financing—to mitigate risks in sectors like energy, tourism, and transport, while leveraging growth opportunities in the blue and orange economies. The author recommends institutionalizing social dialogue, strengthening regional policy coherence, and mobilizing scaled concessional finance to ensure the transition is equitable and supports long-term economic diversification.

In 2025, electric vehicles (EVs) accounted for over a quarter of global new car sales, driven by a significant shift in emerging markets. While legacy auto markets in the US and Canada have seen a rollback of incentives, countries in Southeast Asia and Latin America are 'leapfrogging' advanced economies. Viet Nam and Singapore have reached EV sales shares exceeding 40%, surpassing the UK and EU. China continues to dominate as the largest market, with its exports increasingly targeting non-OECD markets such as Brazil, Mexico, the UAE, and Indonesia. The report highlights that EVs significantly reduce fossil fuel demand, with battery electric vehicles in Brazil delivering an estimated 90% reduction compared to internal combustion engine vehicles.

Nepal's textiles and clothing sector, particularly readymade garments and hand-knotted woollen carpets, remains a key export earner despite structural constraints and a decline in manufacturing's share of GDP. While the sector leverages unique craftsmanship and LDC-based preferential market access, it faces high logistics costs, skilled labour shortages, and a 25% higher unit cost compared to competitors like Bangladesh and India. LDC graduation threatens this competitiveness through potential tariff increases and stricter rules of origin. The authors argue that the government should move away from ineffective ad-valorem subsidies and poorly located special economic zones, instead focusing on market intelligence, inter-agency coordination, and productivity improvements to adapt to a changing global trade landscape.

The paper contends that traditional industrial policy is overly focused on manufacturing and must be expanded to include services, which now account for roughly two-thirds of global GDP. It identifies five pillars for a services-led industrial policy: infrastructure, investment/FDI, skills and human capital, regulatory quality, and connectivity. The author highlights that services offer developing economies advantages in terms of lower capital intensity, smaller minimum scale, and environmental sustainability. Furthermore, the document notes that the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) provides governments with more policy space for experimentation than the rules governing manufacturing trade.

The document argues that there are no credible pathways to tackle the climate crisis without trade policies aligned with the Paris Agreement. It identifies key areas for cooperation, including the management of climate-trade tensions (such as the EU's CBAM), the acceleration of clean energy transitions, and the decarbonization of industrial sectors like shipping and steel. A central theme is the need for 'climate justice,' ensuring that developing nations are not marginalized by green industrial policies or unilateral trade measures. The report proposes several mechanisms for progress, including the Integrated Forum on Climate Change and Trade (IFCCT) proposed for COP30, the 'greening' of Aid for Trade (AfT), and the development of regional green trade blocs like a potential arrangement within the RCEP. It emphasizes that a just transition requires bridging the gap between the WTO and UNFCCC, harmonizing carbon accounting standards, and increasing climate finance for adaptation in the Global South.

The author argues that as more jurisdictions implement border carbon adjustments (BCAs), the lack of harmonized standards for measuring, reporting, and verifying emissions could create a "trade-restrictive, costly mess." While full harmonization is deemed unrealistic due to differing national economic and political realities, the document proposes "interoperability" as a viable alternative. This approach would involve splitting emissions accounting into discrete modules, harmonizing basic reporting information, and mutually recognizing accredited verifiers. The author suggests that existing forums like the OECD's Inclusive Forum for Carbon Mitigation Approaches and the Climate Club are appropriate venues for this coordination, warning that interoperability will be harder to achieve once multiple regimes are fully operational.

The paper examines the impact of global powers and internal fragmentation on ECOWAS, noting that while external partnerships can support infrastructure and security, they often exacerbate divisions. It highlights the critical blow dealt by the January 2025 exit of Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger, and recommends institutional reforms, including the creation of a High Representative for Foreign Affairs and a revamped communications strategy, to strengthen regional solidarity.

During the UN General Assembly's 80th anniversary, African leaders challenged the traditional aid model, citing a legitimacy crisis driven by funding cuts and coercive conditionality. The document highlights a strategic shift toward 'aid to trade,' domestic fiscal capacity, and the demand for structural reforms in global governance. Key issues include a $4 trillion annual SDG financing gap, unsustainable debt servicing—with Sub-Saharan African countries spending approximately 12% of budgets on debt—and the failure of developed nations to meet climate finance pledges. Proposed solutions include the creation of a G20 Extraordinary Committee of Independent Experts to explore new financing models, the establishment of an African Credit Rating Agency, and the use of the UN's Multidimensional Vulnerability Index to improve access to concessional finance.

The EU's Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) is designed to prevent carbon leakage and encourage global decarbonisation by imposing levies on high-emitting imports. While facing criticism from BRICS nations as a protectionist barrier, the CBAM's design allows for the deduction of carbon prices already paid in the country of origin. This has led several countries, including India, China, Brazil, and Vietnam, to strategically develop or expand domestic carbon markets or taxes to ensure that carbon revenues are retained domestically rather than paid to the EU. Modelling indicates that if domestic prices reach 50% of the EU's price, countries like India could retain EUR 676 million annually.

The report examines four EU climate regulations—the Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM), the EU Deforestation Regulation (EUDR), the EU ETS for Shipping, and Methane Regulations—and their disproportionate effects on African economies. It highlights risks such as GDP reduction, loss of export revenue, and increased maritime costs, while calling for financial support, technical capacity building, and a shift toward global rather than unilateral regulatory frameworks.

The report examines the 'renaissance' of green industrial policy, defining it as government intervention to achieve environmental goals alongside economic growth. Through case studies of China, the US, the EU, Canada, Brazil, and South Korea, it highlights a shift toward interventionism driven by climate urgency and geopolitical rivalry. The authors argue that while these policies can accelerate decarbonization and lower technology costs globally, they risk increasing international inequality, creating market distortions, and triggering trade conflicts, particularly for developing nations with limited fiscal capacity.

The One Big Beautiful Bill Act (OBBBA) introduces a mix of incentives and challenges for US advanced energy manufacturing. While it preserves the 45X production credit and introduces 'full expensing' for capital investments, it also imposes stricter foreign entity of concern (FEOC) restrictions and accelerates the phase-out of certain clean energy tax credits, leading to reduced demand projections for solar, wind, and electric vehicles. The report suggests that manufacturers should pivot toward grid equipment, geothermal, nuclear, and upstream components where demand still exceeds domestic capacity.

The report analyzes the intersection of climate and trade policy frameworks to enhance technology transfer for climate change adaptation in the Global South. It examines the roles of the UNFCCC and WTO, identifies barriers to technology transfer, and provides recommendations for aligning national adaptation plans with trade policy mechanisms to improve climate resilience.

A Global Witness investigation reveals that 17 of the world's least developed countries and largest US aid recipients have signed lobbying contracts worth over $21 million since November 2024. The report highlights a trend where nations facing humanitarian crises and aid freezes—such as Pakistan, the DRC, and Somalia—are bartering preferential access to critical minerals, oil, gas, and strategic ports for US political or military assistance. Many of these deals involve firms and individuals closely linked to Donald Trump's inner circle, creating a transactional 'America First' dynamic that Global Witness argues risks resource exploitation in fragile, conflict-affected states.

The policy brief examines the impact of the Trump administration's 'reciprocal tariffs' on Africa, noting that they destabilise global trade and signal the end of preferential market access under AGOA. It proposes a strategic response for African nations based on three pillars: rerouting trade via the AfCFTA and BRICS partners, subverting dependency through import substitution and critical mineral value-addition, and negotiating collectively through the African Union.

The report examines how technology transfer for climate change adaptation is handled within the UNFCCC and WTO frameworks, noting that these policy domains have largely evolved in isolation. It defines adaptation technology as comprising hardware, software, and orgware, and highlights that while trade is recognized as a driver for transfer, it is rarely explicitly integrated into national adaptation plans (NAPs) or technology needs assessments (TNAs). The author identifies significant divergences between developed and developing countries over intellectual property rights (IPRs) and the role of government incentives. Analysis of Small Island Developing States' BAEF reports reveals that high import duties and reliance on foreign imports are key barriers. The report recommends involving trade experts in the NAP process and developing actionable guidance to operationalize technology transfer.

The document examines the evolving relationship between Tanzania and China, highlighting Tanzania's role as a 'first-mover' in several strategic initiatives. Central to the analysis is the December 2024 establishment of the Tanzania Investment Centre China (Hunan) Investment Cooperation Platform, which is anchored in the 'Hunan Model'—a Chinese strategy to deepen Africa ties through trade exhibitions, industrial clusters, and agricultural 'green lanes'. The author argues that Tanzania's unique position as a founding member of both the East African Community (EAC) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC), combined with its historical ties to China, allows it to shape cross-regional economic policy in Africa. The briefing also details other key collaborations, such as the Tazara Railway and the Mwalimu Julius Nyerere Leadership School, and provides policy suggestions to ensure the Hunan Model serves African development interests.

The document analyzes the effects of Executive Order 14257, which introduced a 10% universal tariff and higher country-specific tariffs (11% to 50%) on imports to the U.S. While mineral-exporting nations may find relief through exemptions for critical minerals, countries like Lesotho and Madagascar face severe economic risks, particularly in textiles. The authors discuss the precarious future of the Africa Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) and advocate for a coordinated continental strategy via the African Union and the African Continental Free Trade Area to mitigate these trade disruptions.

The report identifies a significant gap in the integration of climate action within Nigeria's Federal Ministry of Industry, Trade and Investment (FMITI), noting that while high-level executive interest exists, bureaucratic capacity and policy coherence are lacking. It highlights contradictions between Nigeria's climate commitments, such as its Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) targeting a 45% emissions reduction by 2030, and its continued state-led investment in oil exploration. The document argues that the FMITI must align industrial and trade policies with environmental goals, leveraging carbon markets and public-private partnerships to transition away from fossil fuel dependence. It recommends the development of a new 'green' industrial policy and draws on South Africa's experience with the Just Energy Transition Partnership (JET-P) as a model for coordinated national strategy and international funding.