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Ember challenges the assumption that biomass is carbon neutral, noting that current practices may actually contribute to climate change. The organization argues that the scale of land required for energy crops to support BECCS would cause significant environmental and food security issues. Furthermore, Ember highlights the high public cost of subsidizing bioenergy, suggesting that funds would be more effectively spent on wind, solar, or forest restoration.

The document advocates for a strategic US industrial policy to transition the energy economy from fossil fuels to low-carbon solutions. It suggests leveraging a green stimulus package and public-private partnerships, citing historical successes like Sematech and ARPA-E, to compete with China, Europe, and Japan in sectors such as solar, batteries, and offshore wind.

The analysis asserts that the current environmental acquis of the Energy Community Treaty is inadequate to prevent biodiversity loss and water deterioration caused by energy projects. It recommends the adoption of selected articles from the EU Birds, Habitats, and Water Framework Directives, arguing that such measures would not impose significant additional burdens since many Contracting Parties already have existing obligations under the Bern Convention or EU accession processes. The document details the specific risks posed by various energy sources—including coal, nuclear, wind, and hydropower—and provides a tailored legal framework for implementation within the Energy Community.

The report finds a stark contrast between public support for climate action in Massachusetts and the actual legislative outcomes. While approximately 90% of public testimony supports environmental priorities, ambitious legislation is frequently blocked by powerful industry coalitions—most notably regulated utilities and the Associated Industries of Massachusetts (AIM). The study identifies four primary opposition coalitions: utilities, fossil and chemical companies, real estate, and power generation companies. It highlights that utilities are uniquely successful in steering policy, often opposing decentralized solar energy while supporting large-scale wind and hydro projects that benefit their business models. Furthermore, the report notes a shift in opposition rhetoric from climate denial to 'discourses of delay,' such as policy perfectionism and appeals to social justice. The authors conclude that the lack of transparency in the State House, combined with the immense spending power of corporate lobbyists, creates a hostile environment for ambitious climate policy.

In 2020, renewables became the EU's primary electricity source for the first time, generating 38% of electricity. While wind and solar growth remained robust despite the pandemic, the report argues that deployment must nearly triple to meet 2030 Green Deal targets. Coal generation fell by 20% in 2020, though this decline was partially offset by increased gas generation and a record 10% drop in nuclear output. Consequently, Europe's electricity carbon intensity fell to 226 grams of CO2 per kilowatt-hour in 2020, a 29% reduction since 2015.

The report highlights that 600 million Africans lack electricity, with sub-Saharan Africa being the most affected. It argues that while legacy megaprojects like the Inga 3 dam and Stiegler's Gorge are financially and environmentally risky, decentralized renewable energy (DREs) and public-private partnerships offer more sustainable paths to electrification. The text also examines the geopolitical influence of Russia's nuclear diplomacy and China's investment in coal-fired plants, while noting the severe health impacts of biomass reliance among the rural poor.

The document provides a comprehensive directory of stakeholders involved in Togo's renewable energy landscape. It lists government bodies responsible for policy and regulation, private companies providing technical support and EPC services, NGOs promoting sustainable energy, academic institutions offering training, and international partners and financial institutions providing funding and technical assistance.

Egypt is constructing a nuclear power plant at Al Dabaa through a partnership with Russia's ROSATOM, a project framed as a 'mega-project' to boost national prestige and ensure long-term energy self-sufficiency. While the government argues the plant is necessary for a growing population, critics suggest it is an expensive and redundant luxury given Egypt's current energy surplus and investments in renewables. The project is characterized by top-down governance, significant Russian financing via a $25 billion loan, and domestic disputes over land expropriation and environmental risks.

The report analyzes economic stimulus measures in the Brazilian Legal Amazon during the COVID-19 pandemic, finding that 87.2% of the R$ 54 billion in identified funds had a negative impact on natural capital, primarily due to subsidies for large-scale agribusiness. Only 9.7% of funds were directed toward positive impacts, such as family farming and low-carbon agriculture. The document concludes that the federal government missed an opportunity for a 'green recovery,' leading Amazonian state governors to launch the Green Recovery Plan (PRV) to prioritize deforestation control, sustainable production, green technology, and green infrastructure.

The statement argues that international public finance must shift from fossil fuels to clean energy to meet climate goals. It highlights that G20 members provide significantly more public finance to fossil fuels than to clean energy and calls for an immediate end to all new international public finance for fossil fuel projects across the entire value chain. The document urges governments and financial institutions to avoid loopholes, increase climate finance for the Global South, and prioritize low-income countries through debt relief and grant-based finance, specifically calling for a joint statement and leadership from the United Kingdom ahead of COP 26.

The SEforALL Virtual Youth Summit (9-11 February 2021) engaged 2,343 registered participants from 134 countries to promote Sustainable Development Goal 7 (SDG7). The event featured high-level dialogues on the energy transition, a competition for youth-led energy innovations, and virtual fairs connecting youth to academic and career opportunities. Key outcomes included youth recommendations for the UN High-Level Dialogue on Energy and COP26, emphasizing the need for direct youth engagement in policy documentation and national delegations.

The document argues that Colombia has the technical and economic capacity to phase out coal-fired power generation by leveraging its high hydroelectric capacity and expanding non-conventional renewable energy sources. It notes that most existing coal plants are obsolete, with an average age of 34 years, and that new coal projects are largely stalled due to financial and social opposition. The brief highlights a complementarity between hydroelectricity and renewables (solar and wind) that can ensure energy security during droughts, reducing the need for fossil fuel backups. It also warns that relying on natural gas as a transition fuel is risky due to limited national reserves, estimated to last only about eight years. The report recommends that the Colombian government lead the transition by abandoning coal generation and promoting a diversified, carbon-neutral electricity sector by 2050.

The document details 15 on-the-ground projects in Brazil, Guatemala, Kenya, Madagascar, Mexico, Tanzania, Uganda, and Zimbabwe. These initiatives focus on improving water security through rainwater harvesting and irrigation, enhancing food security via conservation agriculture and school gardens, and diversifying livelihoods to reduce pressure on natural ecosystems. The projects are co-designed with local communities based on data collected through key informant surveys to address specific threats such as drought, erratic rainfall, and soil degradation.

The report highlights 10 specific rivers globally that are threatened by hydropower development, arguing that such projects are based on outdated 20th-century thinking. It asserts that the 'renewable revolution'—specifically the falling costs of solar and wind power—allows the world to meet climate and energy goals without damming remaining free-flowing rivers. The document advocates for a 'LowCx3' (low-cost, low-carbon, low-conflict) approach to energy grids and calls for the protection and restoration of river systems to maintain biodiversity and climate resilience.

The briefing highlights three key pieces of US federal legislation—the Coronavirus and Climate Relief omnibus bill, the Trillion Trees and Natural Carbon Storage Act, and the American Renewable Energy and Efficiency Act—as evidence of bipartisan and ambitious climate momentum. It further argues that President-Elect Biden's cabinet appointments, including the creation of the US Special Presidential Envoy for Climate and the National Climate Advisor, signal that climate change will be a cross-agency priority integrated with economic and public health policies.

GreenLatinos supports the nominations of Pete Buttigieg (DOT) and Jennifer Granholm (DOE), citing Granholm's history of promoting electric vehicles and renewable energy in Michigan and Buttigieg's infrastructure plans. The organization advocates for a federal transition away from fossil fuels and gasoline vehicles toward net-zero electricity and equitable, sustainable infrastructure.

The document argues that 'neutral' macroeconomic policies in Nigeria and Uganda have exacerbated inequalities by primarily benefiting the formal sector while excluding the urban poor, women, youth, and informal workers. It highlights failures in cash transfer coverage, the lack of impact of monetary easing on high-risk borrowers, and the regressive nature of budget restructuring. The brief recommends leveraging electronic platforms for aid distribution, improving tax capacity, and promoting renewable energy for low-income households to ensure a more inclusive recovery.

Ember argues that the viability of BECCS as a negative emissions mechanism is undermined by the fact that burning biomass may be net carbon emitting rather than carbon neutral. The document highlights the lack of UK policy measures to ensure carbon-saving biomass production and warns that the land requirements for energy crops could lead to significant food, water, and biodiversity impacts. Furthermore, Ember contends that public subsidies for BECCS are expensive and potentially less effective than investing in rapid decarbonisation or natural forest restoration.

The document contends that replacing coal with biomass is not a viable climate solution, as solid biomass can emit 3% to 50% more CO2 per unit of energy than coal. It highlights that biomass production drives deforestation and ecosystem loss, particularly in Europe and North America, and releases harmful air pollutants. For financial institutions, the document warns of reputational, financial, and regulatory risks, noting that biomass is more expensive than wind or solar and heavily dependent on subsidies.

In 2019, IDFC members committed $197 billion in green finance, a 47% increase from 2018. Climate finance dominated this total at 95% ($187 billion), with mitigation projects receiving the largest share ($163.5 billion), primarily in transport and renewable energy. Adaptation finance grew for the third consecutive year to $19 billion. The majority of finance (74%) originated from non-OECD institutions and was largely deployed domestically, with the East Asia and Pacific region receiving the largest geographic share (69%). Loans remained the primary instrument, accounting for 95% of commitments.