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The We Mean Business Coalition calls for COP28 to establish clear fossil fuel phase-out deadlines, sector-specific targets, and more ambitious Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs). The coalition emphasizes the need for increased finance for nature-based solutions, support for small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs), and global financial system reforms to ensure a just transition.

A coalition of companies representing over $1.6 trillion in annual revenue calls on governments to phase out unabated fossil fuels, decarbonize power systems by 2035 in advanced economies and 2040 elsewhere, and provide financial and capacity-building support to the Global South for a just transition.

The report highlights a significant gap between government rhetoric and action regarding fossil fuel subsidies, noting that world governments provided a record USD 1.3 trillion in such subsidies in 2022. It critiques current UNFCCC commitments for lacking deadlines and clear definitions of "inefficient" subsidies. The authors propose several pathways for action at COP 28 and beyond, including the adoption of a 'cover decision', integrating subsidy reform into the first global stocktake, and requiring more ambitious, time-bound commitments in updated Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs). The document also suggests leveraging climate finance discussions, such as the 'net climate finance' concept and the new collective quantified goal (NCQG), to address public financial flows to fossil fuels.

India aims to reduce GDP emissions intensity by 45% by 2030 and reach net zero by 2070, requiring an estimated US$2.5 trillion in investment by 2030 and US$10.1 trillion for the full transition. Despite a global high of US$1.3 trillion in clean energy commitments in 2022, the document argues that current investment trajectories are insufficient to meet Paris Agreement targets or India's specific needs.

The proposal seeks USD 698,813 over 24 months to implement the National Land Use and Development Master Plan (NLUDMP) 2020-2050 at the district level. It focuses on creating climate-resilient human settlements, diversifying climate finance proposals through the Ministry of Environment, and increasing the participation of rural women in climate adaptation and mitigation.

A coalition of organizations representing business and financial institutions urges UNFCCC Parties at COP28 to operationalize the work programme on just transition pathways. The signatories argue that systemic inequalities pose a business risk and call for a framework based on social dialogue, labour rights, and 1.5°C-aligned pathways. They specifically recommend enhancing international cooperation and finance for the Global South, supporting SMEs, and utilizing ILO Guidelines as a policymaking reference.

The document highlights a critical gap in climate finance, noting that while developing countries may need between $6 trillion and $9 trillion per year to meet their Nationally Determined Contributions, current funding is insufficient and traditional sources are nearly depleted. It identifies 'cracks' in the transatlantic alliance, citing US domestic political opposition to climate pledges, UK economic downturns, and EU internal divisions. The author recommends that leaders use COP28 and the Global Stocktake to reform multilateral development banks, link climate action to global security and food systems, and resolve disputes between the US and Europe to maintain global leadership in the green transition.

NDCs are bottom-up climate strategies submitted every five years to the UNFCCC, focusing on short-term emission reductions and adaptation. While they allow countries to tailor plans to their specific capacities, they lack legal binding and sufficient ambition; current pledges would result in 2.7°C of warming. The document emphasizes the 2020-2030 period as the 'decisive decade' and highlights the 2023 Global Stocktake at COP28 as a critical moment for increasing accountability and ambition before the 2025 NDC updates.

The 2023 update finds that while current policies for 25 major economies may result in 2030 emissions between -6% and +8% compared to 2019 levels, this falls short of the 43% reduction aligned with the Paris Agreement. While 13 countries are now on track to meet their NDC targets, 12 countries still face an implementation gap.

The briefing identifies four critical areas for COP28 success: adopting a transformational response to the Global Stocktake, accelerating systems transformation in energy, food, and cities, responding to severe climate impacts through the Loss and Damage Fund and adaptation frameworks, and delivering scaled climate finance to vulnerable nations.

The analysis of 25 countries reveals a gap between international climate targets and national policy implementation, noting that many countries increase their NDC ambition without adopting the necessary policies to achieve them. This disconnect is particularly evident in oil- and gas-producing states and countries reliant on fossil fuels for economic growth, which undermines the Paris Agreement's goal of bridging current efforts with long-term climate targets.

Climate change in Malawi is projected to increase the frequency and intensity of cyclones, floods, and droughts, significantly impacting the agriculture and road infrastructure sectors. While the government has established various policy frameworks and a National Climate Change Fund, mobilization of funding remains constrained by institutional capacity gaps and macroeconomic vulnerabilities, including unsustainable public debt. The report argues that an agriculture-led growth strategy remains the most effective path for poverty reduction despite climate risks and recommends a structured investment platform to translate adaptation plans into bankable projects.

Kenya is highly vulnerable to climate change, with adverse events causing annual socioeconomic losses of 3–5 percent of GDP between 2010 and 2020. While some crop yields may increase due to CO2 fertilization and higher elevations, the livestock sector faces significant risks from heat stress and drought, particularly in arid and semi-arid lands. The report highlights critical vulnerabilities in hydropower, tourism, and coastal infrastructure, while noting that the government is a regional leader in policy but struggles with financing and subnational coordination. Recommendations focus on granular climate scenario analysis, diversifying agriculture, improving agricultural insurance, and mobilizing large-scale funding through ARIPs.

Climate change is projected to increase temperatures and decrease rainfall in Zambia, particularly in the south and west, threatening food security, energy stability, and transport infrastructure. The report highlights that maize yields could drop by over 9% by 2050 under high emissions scenarios, and hydropower generation—which provides 85% of installed capacity—is highly vulnerable to drought. Road infrastructure is also at risk, with flooding in Lusaka and the north potentially disrupting trade and supply chains. While the Zambian government has integrated climate goals into its Eighth National Development Plan and is developing a National Adaptation Plan, significant barriers remain, including severe debt distress and limited technical capacity. The report recommends a programmatic approach to funding via ARIPs to mobilize the estimated US$50 billion needed by 2030, emphasizing region-specific agricultural adaptation and the diversification of the energy mix.

The study examines the interrelationship between climate change mitigation (CCM) and adaptation (CCA), arguing that integrating these actions can increase cost-effectiveness and leverage climate finance. It finds that while most analyzed countries (Brazil, India, Indonesia, South Africa) and Germany acknowledge co-benefits, they lack explicit, integrated implementation plans and face a significant funding imbalance, with mitigation receiving substantially more finance than adaptation. The report recommends a 'whole-of-government' approach, including green budgeting and standardized taxonomies, to better identify and fund synergistic projects.

The document highlights a critical lack of tracked financing for oil and gas methane abatement in Southeast Asia, despite the sector being the region's second-largest methane contributor. It identifies key barriers such as limited technical capacity, data gaps, and underdeveloped regulations. The brief argues that methane abatement offers a low-cost, quick-win opportunity for near-term climate mitigation and suggests that state-owned enterprises and international financial institutions play pivotal roles in scaling these efforts.

The document argues that Saudi Arabia has spent three decades using procedural and substantive tactics to undermine UN climate negotiations and the IPCC scientific process. It details how Riyadh leverages consensus-based decision-making, raises opportunistic procedural objections, and contests climate science to delay the transition away from fossil fuels. The authors conclude by recommending structural changes to UN voting rules and increased transparency to combat such obstructionism.

Black carbon (BC), or soot, is a potent short-lived climate pollutant resulting from incomplete combustion of fossil fuels and biomass. The report identifies the residential and transportation sectors as the primary sources, with China and India as the largest emitters. It highlights a 'triple win' of reducing BC: slowing global warming (particularly in the Arctic and Himalayas), preventing millions of premature deaths, and avoiding trillions in economic losses. Key recommendations include scaling clean cooking in sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia, retrofitting diesel engines with particulate filters, regulating shipping fuels, and incorporating BC into national climate plans (NDCs).

The report examines the pathways for a just energy transition in the Pacific, highlighting that while 14 Pacific Island Countries (PICs) contribute only 0.23% of global emissions, they are disproportionately affected by climate change. It estimates the upfront cost of replacing fossil fuel electricity generation in eight profiled PICs between $691 million and $1 billion USD. The document argues that a just transition must go beyond technology swaps to include economic diversification, poverty eradication, and the protection of workers, particularly in Papua New Guinea's fossil fuel sector. It also warns of a 'double exposure' where the region faces both climate impacts and potential environmental damage from increased mining of Energy Transition Metals (ETMs).

The analysis reveals a significant gap between the mention of gender in African NDCs and the implementation of substantive gender-responsive actions. While 90% of assessed NDCs reference gender, only 23% include gender-responsive budgeting and 32% are informed by a gender analysis. The paper highlights that high levels of climate finance mobilisation in countries like Morocco, South Africa, and Egypt have not translated into gender-responsive budgeting. Furthermore, private climate finance remains heavily concentrated in the energy sector (74%), which typically has lower female participation compared to the agriculture, forestry, and other land use (AFOLU) sector, which received only 7% of funding.