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The report projects that sub-Saharan Africa's population will grow to 1.976 billion by 2043, with carbon emissions nearly tripling to 650 million tons under the Current Path. While the Current Path sees GDP per capita reach US$5,996, the 'Combined Agenda 2063' scenario—integrating improvements in governance, education, health, and infrastructure—could increase GDP per capita to US$9,798 and drastically reduce extreme poverty to 7.3%. Key sectoral findings include the 'Leapfrogging' scenario's potential to raise electricity access to 81.7% and the 'Free Trade' scenario's role as the most carbon-intensive path, contributing 711 million tons of carbon by 2043.

The report outlines a series of strategic interventions for the East African Community (EAC) to address poverty, inequality, and instability. Key recommendations include investing in climate-resilient WaSH infrastructure, harmonising agricultural and industrial policies, and improving regional security and governance to support a rapidly expanding population.

The report details specific multipliers and targets for Burundi across several development scenarios. Key interventions include improving government effectiveness, reducing child and maternal mortality, increasing vocational training, boosting agricultural yields, and expanding renewable energy and ICT infrastructure. The document compares these projected outcomes against averages for low-income African countries and historical benchmarks from other African nations.

Piracy has re-emerged off Somalia's coast in 2026, with the Joint Maritime Information Center raising its threat assessment to 'severe' following several hijackings in April and May. The document highlights that while international naval efforts like Operation Atalanta and Combined Task Force 151 have previously suppressed piracy, they are currently stretched thin due to crises in the Red Sea and the Strait of Hormuz. The author argues that piracy is driven by the collapse of sea-dependent livelihoods caused by illegal, unreported and unregulated fishing. While Türkiye has signed agreements to safeguard Somali territorial waters, the document suggests Turkish forces may prioritize their own deep-sea drilling assets. The report concludes that unless the Somali federal government and partners address community grievances and governance gaps, the region remains vulnerable to a sustained piracy cycle.

PARI's submission on the Protected Disclosures Bill supports the expansion of whistleblower protections and the introduction of financial rewards but warns that the proposed central database lacks sufficient security and clear purpose. The institute argues that the current reward mechanism is too restrictive by limiting awards to court-convicted monetary sanctions, which may exclude administrative recoveries and discourage disclosures of serious crimes. PARI recommends relocating the database to an independent body, refining the scope of reporting obligations to reduce administrative burdens, and implementing a more flexible, incremental approach to financial incentives tailored to specific sectors like public procurement.

The report highlights a significant gender gap in African political representation, with women making up only 24% of parliamentarians and 7% of top executive positions. While the judiciary shows more encouraging trends, with 21 countries meeting a 33% representation target, structural barriers like patriarchal norms and cyberbullying persist. The text argues that higher female political participation correlates with lower corruption, increased social spending on health and education, and the adoption of stricter climate change policies.

The report identifies systemic barriers to climate finance in four Asian countries, highlighting widespread capacity gaps in project preparation and risk assessment, fragmented governance, and regulatory uncertainty. It emphasizes that while national strategies often exist on paper, implementation is hindered by a lack of coordination between ministries and a failure to integrate climate priorities into local government mandates. The study specifically notes the exclusion of vulnerable communities and SMEs from finance flows due to a lack of tailored instruments and information. To unlock resources, the authors recommend building climate literacy, clarifying institutional responsibilities, and deploying blended finance tools to de-risk private investment.

The report examines the evolution of governance in the Global South, tracing the impact of colonial legacies, Cold War geopolitics, and structural adjustment programmes. It analyzes current governance performance using World Bank Worldwide Governance Indicators, noting a disconnect between political participation and institutional capacity in some regions, while others show improved state capacity despite limited democratic freedoms.

The research paper projects that a 'Combined scenario'—integrating policy coherence, governance, and strategic investment—would significantly increase Africa's GDP to US$8.9 trillion by 2043 and reduce extreme poverty to 242 million people. It highlights that while low-income countries like the DR Congo and Mozambique would see the fastest growth, the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) and governance reforms are the most effective drivers of per capita income and poverty reduction across the continent.

The document concludes that African development is a non-linear, complex process requiring a shift from 'grand schemes' to the 'mundane functions' of governance and technical implementation. It emphasizes that success depends on national ownership, a social contract between citizens and the state, and consistent investment in knowledge creation and innovation to move up the productivity curve. The author outlines eight requirements for transformation, including strategic prioritization of catalytic interventions like agriculture and digital infrastructure, and the capacity for implementation through capable civil services.

The report argues that the African Union Commission's reform, which reduced commissioners from eight to six, has led to institutional imbalances where crisis response overshadows conflict prevention. It highlights a significant funding gap for the new structure, costing an additional US$53 million. The document also analyzes the rise of military coups, attributing them to 'democratic subversions' such as the removal of term limits, and discusses the strain on Africa's humanitarian system due to conflict and climate shocks.

The authors propose a new paradigm of "strategic resilience" to help governments navigate polycrises and transboundary climate risks. This approach emphasizes building the capacity to recover from complex shocks while pursuing strategic national objectives, suggesting a "third way" that avoids both strictly territorial adaptation and the securitization of adaptation driven by defense logics. The authors argue for new governance structures or institutions capable of orchestrating national coordination and steering finance and policy.

The report analyzes governance and democracy across seven Southern African nations, highlighting a gap between policy frameworks and actual implementation. It emphasizes the critical role of civil society organizations (CSOs) as intermediaries and the necessity of freedom of expression for national stability, while noting that CSOs face increasing political and financial threats.

The document analyzes the governance trajectories of Nigeria and South Africa through the lens of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). While both nations have established democratic frameworks and seen some progress, the author finds that stagnation or regression persists in critical areas. In Nigeria, challenges include electoral trust, corruption, and insecurity driven by Boko Haram. In South Africa, the focus is on extreme inequality, xenophobia, and the failure to fully realize the 'liberal democratic Republic' envisioned in its constitution. Both countries struggle with poor policy implementation and gender-based violence.

The submission by PARI, TEI, the Equality Collective, and PSAM supports the Public Service Commission Bill's goal of enhancing the PSC's impartiality and independence. However, it argues that the Bill fails to implement critical reforms from the National Development Plan and the 2022 Professionalisation Framework, specifically regarding the PSC's role in supporting merit-based senior appointments to prevent state capture. The authors propose several amendments, including a new section (12A) to empower the PSC to facilitate recruitment, requiring the mandatory release of reports in the public interest, and removing the President's authority to approve remunerative work for Commissioners to avoid political leverage.

The document examines the evolution of National Youth Policies (NYPs) in Africa, noting a steep increase in adoption that peaked in 2020. While these policies frequently address education, employment, and health, they often neglect youth political participation and face significant implementation gaps. Adoption is driven more by political and institutional factors, such as democracy and administrative capacity, than by demographic needs.

The report finds that while a strong majority of Britons want to be consulted on local climate and energy projects, there is significant distrust that these consultations are meaningful, with many viewing them as 'tick-box exercises'. Barriers to engagement include a lack of trust in government sincerity and a feeling of being uninformed. The findings suggest a shift in preference toward online engagement over in-person methods and emphasize the need for transparent, personal, and multi-channel communication to build trust.

Zimbabwe is characterized by a deep crisis of confidence and a trust deficit in its leadership and institutions. The ZANU-PF government prioritizes short-term survival and power retention over structural reforms, utilizing a system of patronage and 'lawfare' to neutralize political opposition and civil society organizations (CSOs). Economically, the country suffers from extreme poverty, hyperinflation, and a volatile currency environment, exemplified by the introduction of the gold-backed ZiG. While the government pursues a 'constructive re-engagement' agenda with international creditors and Western powers, the report suggests that these efforts may be deflection tactics rather than genuine commitments to democratic reform. State capacity is hampered by the conflation of party and state interests, and the opposition remains fragmented and ineffective.

The essay examines the rise of Captain Ibrahim Traoré in Burkina Faso, analyzing the socio-political drivers of his popularity—such as the 'youth bulge', failure of previous civilian regimes, and the threat of violent religious extremism—against the actual outcomes of his rule. The author contends that military governance is fundamentally unsuitable for state administration and that under Traoré, Burkina Faso has seen a decline in security, a shrinking of civic space, and an increase in human rights violations. The text further questions the efficacy of shifting foreign alliances from France to Russia, noting that terrorism-related fatalities remain high despite the deployment of the Russian Africa Corps.

PARI and TEI support the Public Service Amendment Bill 2023 for its efforts to separate political and administrative roles by transferring operational powers from ministers and MECs to Heads of Department (HODs). While welcoming these changes, the authors argue the Bill lacks sufficient checks and balances for senior appointments and contains ambiguities regarding the overlapping roles of the President, Premiers, and Ministers. They recommend expanding the role of the Public Service Commission (PSC) in merit-based selection and clarifying the grounds for HOD dismissal to align with the Labour Relations Act.