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The document opposes converting coal power plants in Réunion to biomass, citing higher direct CO2 emissions, carbon debt from forest harvesting, and risks to biodiversity and food security. It argues that importing massive quantities of biomass pellets—estimated at 900,000 tonnes per year for the Bois-Rouge and Le Gol plants—contradicts France's 2015 energy transition law regarding overseas energy autonomy and suggests prioritizing solar and wind energy instead.

The report analyzes the bioeconomy landscape in Colombia, identifying a predominant 'bio-resources' vision that balances economic growth with environmental sustainability. Through a multi-stakeholder workshop, it explores sectoral visions for agriculture, biochemistry, bio-pharmaceuticals, and bioenergy, emphasizing the need for territorial development and the use of residual biomass. The document highlights critical sustainability gaps, including the risk of biodiversity loss if species are valued only for commercial advantage, the lack of formal land property rights for 60% of rural properties, and poor road infrastructure, with 75% of tertiary roads in poor condition. It concludes that a holistic, decentralized governance approach is necessary to align the bioeconomy with the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development.

The WWF-US Emergency Amazon Fire Fund raised approximately $1.5 million to provide firefighting equipment, medical supplies, and food to local civil society organizations and Indigenous peoples in Brazil and Bolivia following the 2019 fire season. The report highlights a vicious cycle where deforestation and climate change intensify droughts, increasing fire risks and reducing the Amazon's capacity to act as a carbon sink. In Brazil, the fund supported the Victoria Amazon Foundation in the Amazonas region to train brigades and conduct prevention workshops. In Bolivia, the fund provided critical water, food, and medical supplies to remote communities in the Santa Cruz and Chiquitano Dry Forest regions, where fires impacted over 5 million acres of forest and displaced families.

The document analyzes how 'jabuti' amendments to MP 901/2019 seek to lower the native vegetation coverage requirement from 80% to 50% in Roraima and Amapá by easing the conditions for Legal Reserve reductions and including non-environmental areas in the 65% territory threshold. It also warns that a proposal to reduce over 4,000 hectares of the Roraima National Forest is unconstitutional based on STF precedent.

The report argues that MP 910/2019 incentivizes illegal land grabbing and deforestation by expanding the spatial and temporal scope of land regularization and simplifying the process through self-declaration. It contends that these changes benefit large landowners over family farmers and indigenous peoples, while creating a misalignment between land and environmental policies.

The interim evaluation of the PROAmazonía project in Ecuador shows a mixed progress record as of December 2019. While the project is highly aligned with national policies and has made significant strides in land-use planning (Component 1) and REDD+ operational instruments (Component 4), it has struggled with the implementation of financial incentives and sustainable production transitions (Component 2). Budget execution stands at 31% (US$ 12,939,253 of US$ 41,172,739), hampered by high staff turnover and bureaucratic delays in ministerial approvals. Sustainability is rated as moderately likely, threatened by Ecuador's fiscal adjustment plan and political instability, though the project has successfully integrated gender strategies and established critical territorial coordination platforms.

The Colombian Supreme Court ruled on April 5, 2018, that the Colombian Amazon possesses rights equivalent to those of a human being, necessitating its protection and restoration. The case was brought by 25 youth plaintiffs who argued that government failure to meet net-zero deforestation targets under the Paris Agreement threatened future generations. Despite the court ordering the government to implement action plans to reach net-zero deforestation by 2020 and create an Intergenerational Pact, the document notes that deforestation continued to increase and municipalities failed to update land management plans, leading plaintiffs to return to court in April 2019.

Mighty Earth advocates for a sustainable natural rubber industry, highlighting the role of the Global Platform for Sustainable Natural Rubber (GPSNR) in addressing deforestation and human rights abuses. While acknowledging progress in stakeholder cooperation, the author identifies critical gaps in the GPSNR, including the lack of internal company policies, the absence of a grievance mechanism, and the non-participation of Chinese companies. The document calls for increased supply chain transparency, the inclusion of smallholder farmers, and a shift toward binding regulation to ensure a level playing field.

Mighty Earth is demanding transparency from Tyson Foods regarding a pledge made one year prior to improve farming practices on 2 million acres of U.S. corn. The organization notes that Tyson has provided no further detail or reporting since the announcement, despite a 2020 deadline. Mighty Earth requests specific data on the locations of engaged acres, implemented practices, environmental outcomes—specifically regarding nutrient runoff—and verification methods.

The document outlines the mechanisms of the UN Human Rights Treaty Bodies (HRTBs) and provides a strategic guide for climate advocates to engage in the State reporting process. It highlights the benefits of securing non-binding but authoritative 'Concluding Observations' to pressure states, provides examples of successful interventions in countries like Argentina and Norway, and details the five-step reporting cycle from initial submission to national follow-up.

The document outlines a structured approach for organizations to submit shadow reports to UN Human Rights Treaty Bodies, focusing on how climate change and inadequate state responses violate human rights. It suggests a concise format (6-8 pages) divided into sections covering relevant human rights obligations, adverse climate effects on specific populations, deficiencies in national policies (such as NDCs under the Paris Agreement), and specific legal obligations under treaties. The guide includes a table of submission deadlines and contact emails for various committees, including the CCPR, CEDAW, CERD, CESCR, CRC, and CRPD.

The guide outlines a structured approach for submitting parallel reports to UN Human Rights Treaty Bodies, emphasizing the need for concise, evidence-based documentation of how climate change and state policies impact specific human rights. It recommends a four-section structure: establishing the link between climate change and treaty obligations, describing adverse impacts on rights and vulnerable groups, detailing shortcomings in national climate responses (such as NDCs), and analyzing how these circumstances violate specific state obligations. The document provides practical submission tips, including recommended lengths of 6-8 pages, the use of visual aids, and a table of deadlines and contact emails for various committees including the CCPR, CEDAW, CERD, CESCR, CRC, and CRPD.

The report evaluates the state-level implementation of Brazil's Forest Code, highlighting that while most states have made progress in CAR registration, significant bottlenecks exist in the validation phase and the rollout of the PRA. It argues against amending the federal law without considering state-level efforts and emphasizes the need for technical resources, transparency, and a clearer role for the federal government to support lagging states, particularly in the northeast region.

The document examines a two-year project in Nigeria aimed at strengthening the capacity of farmers and government officials to use climate information for agricultural decision-making. By applying the Tandem framework retrospectively, the author identifies the need to distinguish between direct users (farmers) and institutional users (government, NGOs), and suggests that co-production processes should explicitly address the costs of short-term coping strategies and the potential opportunities arising from climate change. The analysis emphasizes improving vertical and horizontal policy coordination across different levels of government to enhance the effectiveness of climate services.

The report details how the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) integrates gender equality into climate change obligations through General Recommendations, joint statements, and State reporting. It highlights the Committee's focus on disaster risk reduction, the disproportionate impact of climate change on women and girls, and the necessity of women's active participation in climate policy. The document analyzes CEDAW's Concluding Observations from 2008 to 2019, noting a high volume of recommendations for Small Island Developing States and Least Developed Countries, primarily focusing on adaptation and procedural rights, while also issuing specific mitigation demands regarding fossil fuel extraction and fracking.

The document outlines how the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (CESCR) integrates climate change into its monitoring of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR). It details the Committee's use of General Comments, Joint Statements, and State reporting procedures to hold States accountable for climate-related impacts on rights such as health, food, and water. Key findings emphasize that States must implement emissions cuts reflecting the "highest possible ambition," regulate private actors to prevent climate harm, and ensure that high-income States provide climate finance to developing nations beyond existing official development assistance. The briefing also analyzes trends in the Committee's Concluding Observations from 2008 to 2019, noting a higher frequency of climate-related recommendations for developed countries and a strong focus on mitigation, adaptation, and international cooperation.

The document analyzes the 2019 Amazon fires as a result of corporate power and the expansion of the agricultural frontier, specifically linked to the interests of transnational corporations (TNCs). It contends that the EU-Mercosur Free Trade Agreement will exacerbate this trend by increasing demand for commodities like soy and beef, leading to further deforestation and human rights violations. The report criticizes the Bolsonaro administration for dismantling environmental protections and argues that the agreement's environmental clauses are non-binding and insufficient to prevent climate catastrophe.

The 2020 NYDF Progress Assessment reports that large-scale, top-down infrastructure and extractive projects continue to threaten intact tropical forests with minimal benefit to local communities. Despite the adoption of environmental safeguards by financial institutions and the mobilization of Indigenous peoples, systemic barriers—including limited corporate transparency, slow government implementation of forest policies, and continued financial flows to destructive activities—hinder progress. The report argues that meeting forest and climate goals requires a fundamental economic shift away from exploitation toward alternative development models.

The 2020 Goal 8 Assessment highlights a significant gap between the climate mitigation potential of forests and the financial investment they receive, noting that public finance for forests is dwarfed by investments in renewable energy and domestic 'grey' financing for agriculture.

As of 2018, approximately 80 percent of Bangladeshi households lacked access to clean cooking alternatives, with 74 percent of the rural population relying on biomass. While LPG adoption is growing at 8–10 percent annually due to government tax exemptions, other technologies like electric stoves (1.1% usage) and improved cookstoves (10% usage) face affordability and awareness barriers. Financing is heavily skewed toward improved cookstoves (ICS) via development finance institutions (DFIs) and government programs like IDCOL, while private sector participation remains limited except in the LPG sector. The proposed National Action Plan 2020–2030 estimates a total investment requirement of USD 2.9 billion to achieve 100 percent clean cooking access by 2030.