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The Canadian Climate Institute argues that for the federal government's progress report on the 2030 Emissions Reduction Plan to be effective, it must provide exhaustive updates on policy implementation, emissions forecasts based on concrete policies rather than extrapolations, transparent modeling assumptions, and a commitment to developing a comprehensive set of progress indicators.

Methane is a potent climate pollutant responsible for 30 percent of the earth's temperature rise since the Industrial era. In the oil and gas sector, methane leakage can make natural gas as damaging as coal in the near term, with some US Gulf of Mexico offshore platforms showing leakage rates up to 66 percent. Despite the fact that many leaks can be repaired cost-effectively, the document notes that companies are not moving quickly enough, particularly in the US Permian Basin. The author advocates for mandatory requirements and the expanded use of aerial and satellite detection to increase transparency and enforce standards.

The briefing argues that while Bill C-50 provides a useful governance and accountability framework for Canada's net-zero economy, it contains gaps that limit its efficacy. It suggests amendments to improve the bill and references further recommendations for just transition legislation based on international best practices.

The 2023 update finds that while current policies for 25 major economies may result in 2030 emissions between -6% and +8% compared to 2019 levels, this falls short of the 43% reduction aligned with the Paris Agreement. While 13 countries are now on track to meet their NDC targets, 12 countries still face an implementation gap.

Carbon Market Watch is calling for the European Commission to establish a dedicated carbon removals framework separate from emission reduction efforts. The organization argues that the current EU approach, which uses a net emissions reduction target, misleadingly suggests that emissions and removals are equivalent and may delay necessary deep emissions cuts. To address this, Carbon Market Watch is building a coalition to co-create an alternative policy architecture featuring separate, explicit targets for emissions reductions, land-sector carbon sequestration, and permanent removals.

Based on an April 2023 survey of 1,011 U.S. adults, the report finds that while 65% of Americans have not heard of climate justice, 53% support it after reading a description. Support and willingness to vote for climate justice candidates are highest among Black and Hispanic/Latino adults, who also exhibit the largest gaps between prior awareness and subsequent support.

The report finds that while a majority of Americans (65%) are unfamiliar with the term 'climate justice', over half (53%) support its goals after receiving a brief description. Support is highest among Black (70%) and Hispanic/Latino (66%) adults, who also show the largest gaps between prior awareness and subsequent support. Additionally, 43% of U.S. adults would be more likely to vote for a candidate supporting climate justice, with the strongest likelihood found among Black (62%), urban-dwelling (53%), and Hispanic/Latino (51%) respondents. The authors conclude that there is a significant opportunity to expand the national support base through targeted education and communication, particularly for marginalized groups who are most affected by climate change.

The analysis of 25 countries reveals a gap between international climate targets and national policy implementation, noting that many countries increase their NDC ambition without adopting the necessary policies to achieve them. This disconnect is particularly evident in oil- and gas-producing states and countries reliant on fossil fuels for economic growth, which undermines the Paris Agreement's goal of bridging current efforts with long-term climate targets.

The report examines the GWP* metric, which focuses on changes in methane emissions over time rather than absolute levels. It argues that this methodology allows high-polluting companies and countries to present minor reductions as negative emissions, thereby escaping accountability and undermining the Paris Agreement's 1.5°C goal. Through case studies of Tyson, Fonterra, and New Zealand, the document demonstrates how GWP* can make significant emitters appear climate neutral. It further details lobbying efforts by the animal agriculture industry in the US, UK, Ireland, and New Zealand to adopt this metric.

The document contends that qualifiers such as "unabated" and "inefficient" in climate policies allow the fossil fuel industry to maintain production and profits despite the 1.5C goal. It asserts that there is no globally agreed definition for "unabated" fossil fuels and that carbon capture and storage (CCS) remains unproven at scale. Similarly, the term "inefficient" regarding subsidies is viewed as vague, contributing to a surge in fossil fuel subsidies to over 7 trillion USD in 2022. The briefing calls for unambiguous language focusing on the absolute decline of both production and emissions to align with the Paris Agreement.

The document details Côte d’Ivoire's efforts to integrate gender responsiveness into its climate adaptation policies from 2018 to 2023. It outlines key institutional milestones, such as the creation of the National Gender and Climate Change Platform and the signing of a memorandum of understanding between the ministries of environment and gender. The report identifies successful practices including dedicated NAP writing sessions for gender experts and the use of gender-disaggregated indicators. It concludes with recommendations to improve resource mobilization, strengthen monitoring mechanisms, and increase the involvement of women and youth in decision-making to ensure more inclusive climate adaptation.

The report finds that 27% of U.S. Republicans are either Alarmed or Concerned about global warming. These individuals are more likely to be younger, female, politically moderate, and people of color compared to other Republicans. While they hold stronger pro-climate views and support policies like renewable energy research and carbon dioxide regulation more than the average American, they are no more likely to discuss climate change with others. The authors suggest that engaging this group—estimated at 29 million registered voters—through conservative values and social communication can build political will for climate action.

The Urgenda Foundation successfully sued the State of the Netherlands, resulting in a final Supreme Court ruling that the government must reduce greenhouse gas emissions by at least 25% by the end of 2020 relative to 1990 levels. The courts determined that while the state has discretionary power, it has a duty of care to protect its citizens from the dangers of climate change, and its previous 20% target was insufficient and lacked scientific justification. The judiciary rejected the government's arguments regarding the separation of powers, ruling that the order did not mandate specific legislation but rather a result that the state is free to achieve through various means.

The study finds that 27% of U.S. Republicans are Alarmed or Concerned about global warming. These individuals are more likely to be younger, female, politically moderate, people of color, and suburban residents compared to other Republicans. While they hold stronger pro-climate views and support policies like renewable energy research and carbon dioxide regulation more than the average American, they are no more likely to discuss or hear about climate change in their social circles.

The report identifies 'Weather extremes and changes' as the most common perceived threat of global warming among Americans, while also highlighting significant ideological divides in how different political groups and psychological segments perceive these risks.

The author contends that carbon pricing exemptions, such as those proposed for rural home-heating fuel in Atlantic Canada, are counterproductive because they eliminate incentives for cleaner energy adoption and create policy uncertainty for investors. While acknowledging energy affordability concerns, the text asserts that the existing rebate system already benefits most low-income households. As an alternative to exemptions, the document suggests implementing temporary, targeted rebates for low-income households to address cost-of-living pressures without weakening the overall carbon pricing framework.

The document outlines four key principles for effective public engagement on climate change: connecting with deeply held values, using inclusive and participatory approaches, engaging positive social norms, and creating honest, empowering stories. It illustrates these principles through three case studies: a diverse network of small-scale environmental initiatives in Egypt, a community-led relocation project for the Carteret Islands in Papua New Guinea, and a citizens' assembly in Scotland. These examples demonstrate that bottom-up, deliberative, and co-creative processes can lead to a stronger public mandate for climate policies and resilience.

The analysis of Canada's Emissions Reduction Plan (ERP) indicates that while decarbonization is essential for long-term socio-economic benefits, many of its policies require additional social and economic safeguards to prevent inequality and actively reduce poverty.

Based on a March 2021 survey of 1,037 U.S. adults, the report finds that 'Weather extremes and changes' is the most commonly cited threat of global warming, mentioned by 20% of respondents. Perceptions of these threats vary significantly by political affiliation, with Democrats more likely to cite extreme weather and inaction, while Republicans are more likely to view climate action itself as a threat or believe global warming is not a threat. Other identified concerns include pollution, environmental harms, and food and water shortages.

The statement asserts that Canada's history of colonialism, including the residential school system and the Indian Act, has systematically removed Indigenous Peoples from their lands and suppressed traditional stewardship. It argues that current climate policy often uses an "add-and-stir" approach to Indigenization, whereas true reconciliation requires Indigenous Peoples to act as leaders and rights holders with full control over their knowledge systems. The text highlights the value of Indigenous-led initiatives, such as prescribed fire burning and guardian watchmen networks, as essential solutions for addressing the climate crisis and protecting ecosystems.