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The document examines the COVID-19 macroeconomic responses of South Africa, Nigeria, Senegal, Benin, Tanzania, and Uganda. It finds that wealthier, more open economies like South Africa and Senegal were more vulnerable to trade shocks but had greater capacity for fiscal and financial stimulus. In contrast, Tanzania and Benin experienced marginal growth deceleration due to minimal government reactions. The report highlights a looming 'debt repayment wall' peaking in 2024 and argues for a transition toward green energy, diversified revenue bases, and the redirection of Special Drawing Rights (SDRs) from high-income nations to support African development and climate adaptation.

The policy brief examines the barriers preventing women in Africa from equitably participating in the restoration economy—the economic activity related to ecological restoration. It identifies that despite international and regional frameworks, women face systemic discrimination, limited political power, and significant financial hurdles, particularly regarding asset ownership and collateral for loans. The author argues that gender equity is essential for the ecological success of restoration projects and proposes reforms in financial systems, customary laws, and decision-making processes to ensure women are active drivers and beneficiaries of the restoration value chain.

The document examines Russia's soft-power strategy in Africa, noting that while Russia is primarily associated with hard power, it leverages Soviet-era legacies, education, and anti-Western narratives to attract African elites and populations. It identifies key strengths in the promotion of multipolarity and traditional values, while highlighting limitations such as insufficient financial resources and the mixed results of vaccine diplomacy.

This report by the South African Institute of International Affairs, commissioned by Oxfam South Africa, examines the potential role of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) in supporting South Africa's transition to cleaner energy. It discusses the IMF's integration of climate risks into its global financial stability mandate and the specific macroeconomic challenges facing South Africa, while cautioning against the IMF's historical policy orthodoxies.

The government of Benin and the BCEAO responded to COVID-19 with expansionary monetary and fiscal policies, including cash transfers, subsidies, and increased liquidity for banks and the agricultural sector. While these measures stimulated aggregate demand and supported food security, the expansion of the money supply led to higher consumer price inflation, which threatened real household incomes. The brief recommends transitioning to contractionary monetary policy during periods of economic growth to curb inflation and better targeting future fiscal spending toward vulnerable households and hard-hit sectors like hospitality and industry to maximize the fiscal multiplier effect.

Russia is employing a strategy of 'hedging its bets' in Libya, maintaining relations with the UN-recognised Government of National Unity while simultaneously supporting Khalifa Haftar via private military contractors and backing Saif al-Islam Gaddafi. By supporting the postponement of elections and denying links to the Wagner Group, Moscow aims to erode Western influence, maintain a Mediterranean naval presence, and ensure a permanent military foothold regardless of the political outcome.

The briefing outlines critical areas of focus for Africa in 2022, including democratic transitions in eighteen countries, the management of military coups in states like Mali and Sudan, and the fight against terrorism in regions such as the Lake Chad Basin. It highlights Africa's priorities for COP27, specifically the need for climate finance, technology transfer, and a just transition that supports industrialisation. Additionally, it examines the evolution of China-Africa relations following the FOCAC Ministerial Meeting and the potential impact of China's debt on Kenya's elections.

The paper assesses how the Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR) and the sustainability movement shape the industrialisation trajectory of the SADC region. It argues that while 4IR technologies offer opportunities for leapfrogging legacy industries and formalising the informal sector, they also risk creating high-tech enclaves, global monopolies, and 'gig-economy sweatshops'. The authors propose a reimagined strategy that integrates 4IR and green economy goals to achieve broad economic wellbeing rather than focusing solely on job creation.

The document argues that SADC countries face a significant infrastructure deficit and institutional weaknesses that hinder regional integration and economic recovery. It proposes the adoption of 'anticipatory governance' and a shift toward green, inclusive, and digitally enabled infrastructure to move away from national protectionism and fossil-fuel dependency. Using a STEEPV framework, the authors outline various future scenarios—ranging from 'SADC Solarpunk' (desirable) to 'Deep Collusion' (undesirable)—to stress-test current strategies and advocate for innovative blended financing and regional cooperation via the AfCFTA.

The document analyzes Russia's use of 'soft power' in Africa, highlighting the role of state-owned outlets like RT and Sputnik in promoting anti-Western narratives. It details the transition from traditional media to digital influence campaigns, including the use of 'troll farms' and local proxies to sow division and build pro-Russian sentiment. The report specifically examines the Central African Republic as a case study of 'hybrid warfare,' where digital campaigns are combined with on-the-ground activities such as film production and the financing of local radio. While these efforts aim to project an image of Russia as a major power, the document notes they are conducted on a limited budget and face increasing detection by tech companies.

The report examines the intersection of the IMF's expanding climate mandate and South Africa's transition from a coal-dependent economy. It highlights the risks of the IMF's traditional austerity-driven policy toolkit and recommends a more inclusive, transparent approach that prioritizes social justice and long-term stability over short-term fiscal consolidation.

The author examines why most African countries have failed to ratify the 2018 Free Movement of Persons protocol despite its potential to boost trade, investment, and living standards. While small or poorer nations like Benin and Seychelles have adopted liberal visa policies, larger and wealthier states remain hesitant due to fears of economic competition and xenophobic political mobilization. To break this logjam, the author suggests clarifying the implementation roadmap, linking free movement to free trade processes, improving civil registration and identity systems, and encouraging progress through smaller regional or ad hoc groupings.

The document argues that Africa is well-positioned to become a major global hub for green hydrogen due to its abundant renewable energy potential, strategic location, and existing infrastructure. It examines global strategies from the EU, Australia, and Chile, and highlights specific projects in South Africa, Namibia, Mauritania, and Morocco. The authors recommend that the G20 provide targeted financing for infrastructure, facilitate technology transfers for local value addition, and help establish stable offtake agreements and harmonised regulatory standards to prevent deepening energy insecurity in Africa.

The briefing analyzes the Standard Gauge Railway (SGR) in Kenya and the Jakarta-Bandung High Speed Rail (HSR) in Indonesia, finding that both projects suffered from poor environmental mitigation, problematic land acquisition, and governance failures. It argues that weak recipient institutions in the Global South compound the reputational and material risks for Chinese contractors.

The project, funded by the European Union under the GCCA+ Programme, aims to strengthen the use of marine and coastal ecosystem-based adaptation (EbA) in Southern Africa. It focuses on improving national climate policies, promoting community participation, and establishing a regional Community of Practice to enhance the resilience of coastal communities against climate risks such as sea level rise and tropical storms.

The report outlines key messages from a community of practice workshop in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, focused on scaling and improving the effectiveness of adaptation finance in Africa. It provides specific recommendations for the public sector, private sector, and strategic partnerships to support the African climate agenda ahead of COP27.

The document examines the 'militarisation of politics' in Africa, using the conflict in Ethiopia between the federal government and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) as a primary example. It defines militarisation as the tendency to settle political disputes militarily and notes that this trend is often a legacy of colonial rule. The author highlights a history of military coups and civil wars across the continent, noting that by 2017, Africa had experienced 200 successful and failed coups. While the African Union (AU) has frameworks like the Lomé Declaration and the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance to prevent unconstitutional changes of government, the document argues that inconsistent implementation—such as the AU's failure to suspend Chad after the seizure of power by the Transnational Military Council—undermines these efforts. Additionally, the text notes a 17% increase in African military spending over the last decade, totaling $41.2 billion in 2019. In the Horn of Africa, the conflict involving Ethiopia, Eritrea, and Sudan risks regional destabilisation and the undoing of previous peace agreements.

The policy brief examines the severe fiscal constraints facing African countries during COVID-19 recovery, noting that while advanced economies mobilised about 6% of GDP, African countries mobilised barely 1%. It highlights the inadequacy of current debt relief mechanisms like the DSSI and the Common Framework, and the high cost of borrowing from international capital markets due to unfair credit ratings. The author proposes five policy priorities: establishing national donor coordination frameworks, reallocating public investment to de-risk private projects, extending the DSSI for two years with partial debt cancellation, creating a transparent multilateral framework for debt resolution involving commercial creditors, and exploring the establishment of independent, publicly owned credit rating agencies.

The document examines the G20/OECD Inclusive Framework's 'Two-Pillar Solution' to tax challenges from the digitalisation of the economy, highlighting how current global tax fragmentation allows multinational corporations to avoid taxes. It argues that African and least-developed countries suffer disproportionate revenue losses as a share of GDP and are underrepresented in negotiations. The brief criticizes the agreement for a high turnover threshold that limits the number of taxable companies and for a minimum corporate tax rate of 15% that some African nations find too low. It recommends increasing African participation, moving negotiations to a neutral UN forum, and providing technical and financial support to ensure equitable implementation.

The document examines China's Digital Silk Road (DSR) strategy and its implementation through ICT projects in Tanzania and Cambodia. It finds that while environmental impacts are generally limited, socioeconomic outcomes are mixed and transparency remains a significant deficiency across projects.