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The report argues that social media can drive political engagement in Africa, citing examples from the Arab Spring and elections in Nigeria and Zambia. However, it highlights significant obstacles, including low internet penetration, high costs, and active government censorship or surveillance in countries like Uganda, Zimbabwe, Angola, and Cameroon.

The document examines the effectiveness of financial disclosure frameworks in South African local government, highlighting significant variations in compliance across municipalities. It identifies legislative ambiguity and poor data quality as key challenges and recommends mandatory annual disclosures, electronic submissions, and the enforcement of penalties to ensure public accountability.

The document critiques the application of carbon trading in Africa, asserting that the continent remains marginal to the global market. It highlights how the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) creates perverse incentives, such as rewarding illegal gas flaring in Nigeria or subsidising fossil fuel dependence, while providing minimal financial benefit to local communities. The author argues that carbon offsets act as an 'avoided responsibility mechanism' for the global North and recommends shifting toward more just forms of climate finance.

The briefing examines the funding gap for climate change in the global South, specifically Africa, where adaptation costs are projected to reach $30 to $60 billion annually by 2030. It evaluates several funding mechanisms—including direct budgetary contributions, shipping and aviation levies, financial transaction taxes, Special Drawing Rights (SDRs), the redirection of fossil fuel subsidies, and carbon taxes—against criteria for fairness, such as adequacy, predictability, and transparency. The document argues that public funding must be prioritized over private finance and carbon markets, which it claims are often biased toward profitable mitigation projects in middle-income countries and fail to provide meaningful support to the poorest African regions.

The report argues that maritime piracy off the coast of Somalia imposes significant economic costs on Kenya, including shipping surcharges and losses in tourism, while also facilitating money laundering within the country. It assesses previous counter-piracy efforts, noting that while Kenya has attempted to prosecute pirates, these efforts were hampered by jurisdictional conflicts and archaic evidentiary laws. The author recommends a multi-pronged strategy that combines sea-based naval patrols with land-based efforts to rebuild the Somali state and disrupt the financial networks of pirate bosses operating within Kenya.

The document examines the legal tension between the right to self-determination and the principle of uti possidetis (the inviolability of colonial borders) in Africa. It argues that South Sudan's independence represents a normative shift from state security to human security, suggesting that territorial integrity is not absolute when serious human rights violations occur and representative government is denied. The author traces the historical marginalisation of southern Sudan and concludes that while independence is a key step, full self-determination requires ongoing democratic and institutional guarantees.

The 18th AU Summit focused on electing the rotating AU Chair and AU Commission leadership, approving the 2012 budget, and inaugurating a new headquarters building funded by China. The document highlights significant managerial failures within the AU Commission, including a 48% vacancy rate for staff posts and low budget utilization in certain departments.

This report documents the 5th African Conference of Commandants (ACoC), held from 28–30 November 2011 in Gaborone, Botswana. The conference brought together commandants from African Staff Colleges to discuss the impact of globalisation on human rights, the proliferation of small arms, gender equality in the military, and the standardisation of military education to support the African Standby Force (ASF) and peace support operations (PSOs).

The report investigates the governance of climate finance in the Global South, arguing that current mechanisms often prioritize mitigation over adaptation and corporate profit over local needs. Through case studies in Africa, Asia, and Latin America, it highlights systemic issues including the 'greenwashing' of industrial activities, the marginalization of indigenous land rights, and a lack of transparency in fund disbursement. The authors advocate for a normative framework based on democratic governance, downward accountability to vulnerable communities, and the separation of public and private funding sources to ensure climate finance addresses actual developmental and environmental needs.

The document argues that increasing Africa's education spending from 4% to 4.8% of GDP could lead to universal primary education by 2030 and universal basic education by 2035. Using the International Futures (IFs) model, the authors project that this investment would add US$ 2.5 trillion to Africa's GDP by 2050, while significantly reducing child malnutrition, extreme poverty, and the probability of state failure. However, the report notes that these gains require a long-term horizon and a reallocation of government funds away from other sectors like health and the military.

The research paper analyzes the similarities and differences between al-Shabaab and the LRA, noting that while both utilize religious frameworks to justify violence and mobilize support, they differ significantly in their leadership structures and goals. Al-Shabaab maintains a decentralized, community-based network with international links and territorial control in parts of Somalia, whereas the LRA has evolved into a small, mobile force focused on survival through pillaging in border zones of Central Africa. The author argues that military-only responses to these groups are ineffective because they fail to address the underlying structural grievances and social marginalization that drive recruitment.

The briefing examines Kenya's 2011 military intervention in Somalia, 'Operation Linda Nchi', which aims to create a 100 km buffer zone to prevent Al-Shabaab incursions and protect the tourism industry. It warns that the move shifts Kenya from a victim to a target of Al-Shabaab, potentially increasing the risk of reprisal attacks and sleeper cell activity within Kenya. The author notes that while the operation responds to kidnappings and territorial threats, it faces challenges including rising economic costs, potential civilian casualties that could alienate Somalis, and the risk of the mission becoming protracted and overextending beyond its limited buffer zone goal.

The document reports on a regional workshop organized by the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR), the UN Regional Centre on Small Arms (RECSA), and the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) in Nairobi. The workshop focused on the regional dimensions of conflicts in the Great Lakes Region, specifically addressing the roles of clandestine armed groups, illegal resource exploitation, and cross-border ethnicity in prolonging violence. Participants from Burundi, Rwanda, Uganda, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Tanzania, and Kenya committed to developing initiatives for inclusive democracy, good governance, and the sustainable use of natural resources. The ISS was mandated to coordinate a partners' meeting to create a regional roadmap for sustainable peace.

The report assesses critical security and political risks across several African nations. In Libya, it highlights the challenges of the National Transitional Council (NTC) in establishing law and order and an inclusive government post-Gaddafi. In Egypt, it examines the volatile transition under the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCOAF) and the rising influence of Islamist groups. In Guinea, it analyzes the fragility of democracy following an attempted coup in July 2011. In Malawi, it details the economic and political crisis resulting from the suspension of UK budget support and violent protests. Finally, it reviews the AU's response to the severe drought and famine in the Horn of Africa, specifically Somalia, under the principle of non-indifference.

The document argues that achieving an annual improvement of nearly 2 percentage points in water and sanitation access across Africa would significantly reduce child malnutrition and infant mortality, increase GDP, and lower the probability of state failure. It identifies that such progress requires an additional public investment of nearly US $35 billion over 40 years, primarily targeting sanitation. The analysis highlights that success in this sector is driven by public policy, institutional management, and finance rather than technology, citing examples from Burkina Faso and Ethiopia.

The document analyzes the rise of intra-South insecurity in South Sudan, attributing it to historical leadership splits, ethnic tensions, the militarization of politics, and political interference by the SPLM. It details several active rebellions led by former generals and assesses the impact of these dynamics on state stability and development, while providing policy recommendations for the Government of South Sudan and the international community.

The document argues that the international community's approach to Somali piracy has prioritised military deterrence and legal accountability over human rights, leading to a 'catch and release' policy or the rendering of suspects to regional courts with inadequate legal frameworks. It specifically examines Kenya's role as a primary prosecution hub, highlighting a lack of domesticated maritime law, systemic corruption, and appalling prison conditions. The author contends that these failures, combined with the failure to prosecute onshore sponsors of piracy, undermine the credibility of counter-piracy efforts and may fuel further instability.

The briefing describes Angola's political system as a hybrid of a formal government ruled by the MPLA and a more resilient 'shadow' government controlled by President José Eduardo Dos Santos. This shadow structure, powered by the national oil company Sonangol, manages international policy, money supply, and security independently of formal ministries. The author argues that recent legislative changes, including the 2010 constitution, have formalized the president's unlimited power and weakened the formal state's autonomy. While the regime maintains stability through a vast patronage network, the document identifies internal tensions within the MPLA and the risks of uncontrolled corruption as primary threats to the system's reproduction.

The document examines the governance of climate finance across three developing regions, arguing that funding is heavily skewed toward mitigation over adaptation and private over public sources. It highlights that this imbalance often ignores the urgent needs of the most vulnerable populations and the preference of developing nations for public finance to address historical climate debt. Additionally, it critiques the role of regional development banks, noting conflicts of interest where banks fund both fossil-fuel and renewable energy projects while prioritizing loans over grants.

The document examines the governance of climate finance in developing countries, highlighting systemic failures in accountability, stakeholder representation, and benefit sharing. It argues that climate finance is often driven by donor priorities rather than local needs, leading to conflicts of interest and the marginalization of indigenous and local communities.