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The document details a 2009 workshop organized by the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) focusing on the intersection of climate change and transboundary water conflicts in Africa, with a heavy emphasis on the Nile River Basin. It examines how environmental degradation, population growth, and uneven water distribution exacerbate tensions between riparian states. The report highlights the role of regional bodies like the Nile Basin Initiative (NBI), IGAD, and ECOWAS, and argues that while climate change acts as a 'threat multiplier,' it can also serve as an incentive for regional cooperation. Key recommendations include the ratification of the UN Convention on the Law of Non-Navigational Uses of International Watercourses, the establishment of joint management frameworks, and the integration of climate adaptation into national planning and donor programs.

The report details a dialogue on the vulnerabilities of African economies to climate change and the potential for trade policy to enhance resilience. It emphasizes the need for predictable financial mechanisms, the diffusion of low-carbon technologies, and the reform of the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) to better serve African interests. The document highlights the potential of organic agriculture and renewable energy to create jobs and reduce poverty, while warning against arbitrary trade restrictions and poorly evidenced environmental labels that could undermine the competitiveness of African exports.

The proceedings detail a two-day workshop in Sweden where experts from various global 'knowledge nodes' discussed the barriers and drivers for implementing nutrient reuse in sanitation. Key findings highlight a persistent gap between national legislation and local enforcement, the necessity of 'champions' to drive policy change, and the importance of technology-neutral policies that prioritize actual reuse over the mere possibility of recycling. Case studies from Sweden, the Philippines, Uganda, Colombia, South Africa, and China illustrate diverse regional challenges, including urban transport costs for nutrients and the social stigma associated with excreta reuse.

The document examines Africa's engagement with the CWC and BTWC, noting that while CWC participation is high due to the support of the OPCW, BTWC engagement is low due to a lack of an oversight body and a perception that biological weapons are not a primary threat. It highlights significant gaps in national legislation and the vulnerability of African public health systems to deliberate disease outbreaks.

The report analyzes the systemic nature of corruption in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) from 2003 to 2006, arguing that the 'kleptocratic' legacy of the Mobutu era persisted through the transition. It details how power-sharing agreements under the Sun City Accord prioritized political clientelism over merit, leading to widespread pillaging of public finances, state-owned enterprises, and the mining and forestry sectors. Despite the introduction of new anti-corruption laws and the creation of monitoring bodies like the CELC and OCEP, the report finds these efforts largely failed due to a lack of political will, institutional dysfunction, and the complicity of international partners who prioritized electoral stability over good governance.

The document examines the hydropolitics of the Nile Basin, focusing on the tensions between upstream states, particularly Ethiopia, and downstream states, Egypt and Sudan. It argues that colonial-era agreements and Egypt's pursuit of 'prior appropriation' rights have created an inequitable distribution of water, hindering development in upper riparian states. The author suggests that cooperation through frameworks like the Nile Basin Initiative and the adoption of the Helsinki Rules for equitable sharing are necessary to avoid future conflict and ensure food and energy security.

The document analyzes two legal pathways for prosecuting Robert Mugabe: the principle of universal jurisdiction and the International Criminal Court (ICC). While legal grounds exist for crimes committed after July 2002—such as 'Operation Murambatsvina' and election violence—the author concludes that prosecution is 'extremely unlikely' due to political obstacles. These include Zimbabwe's lack of ratification of the ICC statute and the likelihood that immunity from prosecution will be a key negotiation point to secure Mugabe's removal from power.

The document examines the persistence of a 'predatory political and governance culture' in the DRC, tracing it from the colonial era and Mobutu's dictatorship through the 2003–2006 transition. It finds that power-sharing arrangements under the Sun City Agreement effectively removed checks and balances, enabling widespread looting of state assets, mining resources, and public funds. Despite the introduction of new anti-corruption laws and the creation of bodies like the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission (CELC), these efforts failed due to a lack of political will, institutional dysfunction, and a reliance on donor-driven initiatives without local ownership.

The paper examines the methodological requirements for conducting credible representative public opinion surveys within the framework of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). It contrasts the limitations of 'participatory' consultations—which often suffer from self-selection bias—with the precision of random probability sampling. The author provides technical guidance on sample sizes, the necessity of accurate census data, and the importance of sampling individual citizens rather than household heads. It also outlines the practical costs and timelines for implementing such surveys in Africa, suggesting that national surveys of 1,200 respondents typically cost between $85,000 and $125,000.

The author contends that Africa Day 2008 must move beyond diplomatic celebrations to address systemic governance issues, citing the failure of governments to act on warnings from the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) and the persistence of long-term dictatorships. The text highlights specific regional instabilities, including post-electoral violence in Kenya and xenophobia in South Africa, while questioning the accountability of the APRM administration and the ability of current leadership to protect the continent from poverty, war, and climate change.

In August 2006, the Ugandan Cabinet proposed donating 7,100 hectares of the 30,000-hectare Mabira forest to the Mehta group of companies to expand sugar plantations. This proposal triggered a massive public outcry and a coordinated 'Save Mabira Crusade' involving civil society, religious institutions, and legal experts. The campaign utilized empirical research, media engagement, and strategic litigation to challenge the government's decision. The author argues that the campaign's success was rooted in a growing public awareness of environmental rights, supported by the 1995 Constitution and the National Environment Act. The effort not only protected the forest but also served as a vehicle to expose broader governance deficits and the lack of political will to adhere to existing conservation laws.

The paper examines the 2006 campaign to save the Mabira Forest in Uganda, where the government proposed giving 7,100 hectares of the reserve to the Mehta Group for sugarcane cultivation. It details how a coalition of civil society, religious institutions, and legal experts used environmental laws and public mobilization to stop the proposal. The author argues that the campaign succeeded by framing the environmental issue as a broader failure of governance and accountability, leveraging the 1995 Constitution's recognition of the right to a healthy environment and the 2005 Access to Information Act.

The paper argues that civil society organisations (CSOs) should not dismiss parliaments as 'rubber stamps' but instead build strategic partnerships with individual members of parliament (MPs). It emphasizes the importance of understanding electoral systems to identify independent-minded MPs, providing high-quality non-partisan research to resource-poor legislators, and cultivating 'champions' within the governing party. The author highlights that credibility and public legitimacy—built through community rooting and financial transparency—are more valuable than funding when influencing policy. Practical guidance is provided on lobbying, media engagement, and monitoring MP performance through 'report cards' to drive accountability during elections.

The document outlines how civil society organizations (CSOs) can move beyond the perception of parliaments as rubber-stamp bodies to actively influence policy. It emphasizes the importance of understanding electoral systems—noting that single-member districts often produce more independent legislators—and the necessity of providing non-partisan, evidence-based information to resource-constrained parliamentarians. The author advocates for building long-term relationships with 'champions' within the ruling party, maintaining organizational transparency to ensure credibility, and using media and public pressure to support legislative goals.

The paper examines the necessity and design of a Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) in Zimbabwe to address decades of state-sponsored violence and impunity. It weighs the tensions between retributive and restorative justice, arguing that while political pragmatism may require conditional amnesties to secure a transition, a formal process is essential for victim redress and national healing. The authors provide a framework for a potential commission, covering its mandate, timing, and the complexities of addressing historical violence, including the 1980s gukurahundi campaign.

The document examines the engagement of Ugandan civil society organisations (CSOs) in the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), highlighting systemic barriers such as lack of transparency, poor communication, and the limitations of umbrella organisations. It details how Minority Rights Group International and Care International in Uganda overcame these hurdles by forming coalitions to ensure minority rights were included in the Country Self-Assessment Report and the Programme of Action.

The document serves as a practical guide for Technical Research Institutes (TRIs) tasked with conducting the self-assessment phase of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). It details the roles of TRIs, the challenges of using the 88-page APRM questionnaire, and the necessity of balancing technical objectivity with the political sensitivities of participating African governments. The handbook offers specific methodologies for gathering expert and public opinion, vetting desk research sources, and managing the logistical and political pressures of the process. It concludes by suggesting that TRIs expand their role beyond the initial report to monitor the implementation of Programmes of Action (PoA).

The document outlines the role of Technical Research Institutions (TRIs) in the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), specifically in producing National Self-Assessment Reports (NSARs). It details the challenges of managing complex research under tight deadlines, the necessity of balancing technical accuracy with political sensitivities, and provides a comprehensive methodology for data collection, source vetting, and questionnaire adaptation. The guide emphasizes the importance of public participation and the strategic development of Action Plans to ensure that the APRM leads to measurable policy reform.

The paper examines the tendency of executive branches in Africa to monopolize power, attributing this to inherited colonial structures and a lack of institutional capacity. It highlights how the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) has exposed these governance deficiencies. The author argues that while formal separation of powers exists, it is undermined by political realities and a culture of the 'Big Man'. To counter this, the document advocates for empowering civil society with information to hold the executive accountable and bolstering the independence and resources of the legislature and judiciary.

The paper examines the systemic instability of Africa's largest states—specifically Nigeria, the DRC, Ethiopia, Sudan, and Angola—noting that their size and complexity often lead to economic failure, administrative collapse, and regional destabilization. It contrasts these with South Africa's relative stability and smaller African states' better economic performance. The author critiques the international community's adherence to territorial integrity and generic federalism, suggesting instead a realism that accepts potential partition, prioritizes state-building before democracy, and deploys more decisive peacekeeping forces.